Brian Burnell's nuclear weapons history site under construction.


    email: brian@nuclear-weapons.info


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nuclear-weapons.info


















Vampire



Under construction.

Contents

  • Genesis
  • Footnotes
  • See also
  • Genesis

    Footnotes

    See also





















    Violet Club



    Violet Club was the first high yield weapon deployed by the British, and was intended to provide an emergency capability until a thermonuclear weapon could be developed from the Christmas Island thermonuclear tests known as Operation Grapple. After the Americans tested a thermonuclear weapon in 1952, followed by the Soviets with Joe 4, and before the UK government took a decision in July 1954 to develop a thermonuclear weapon, AWRE Aldermaston were asked in 1953 about the possibilities for a very large pure fission bomb yielding one megaton. AWRE's response referred to the Zodiak Mk.3 bomb, but progressed no further than a rudimentary study. (1)

    At this time studies were also started (2) that ultimately led to a decision in 1954 to develop a thermonuclear weapon, and the design studies were split into two tracks, the Thermonuclear Bomb Type A, a hybrid type, really a very large boosted fission device, no longer regarded as a thermonuclear weapon, and the Type B, a device that derives a significant amount of energy from fusion. (3) The British at that time had not yet discovered the Teller-Ulam technique necessary to initiate fusion, and the Type B was still beyond their capabilities. The intermediate devices proposed, the Type A hybrids, were similar in concept to the Alarm Clock and Joe-4 layer cake hybrid designs of other nuclear powers. Although these Type A intermediate devices used small quantities of fusion fuel in their fissile cores to provide a supply of energetic, fast neutrons to boost the efficiency of the fission reaction, they did not derive a measurable amount of energy output from fusion.

    The Violet Club warhead, known variously as Green Grass, Knobkerry, and the Interim Megaton Weapon was a pure, unboosted fission device derived from the two British Type A weapons, stripped of their fusion boosting elements. It was the largest pure fission weapon deployed by any nuclear power.

    Contents

  • Genesis
  • Emergency Capability Weapon
  • Design defects
  • Green Grass warhead
  • Safety and arming
  • Deployment and carriage
  • RAF dissatisfaction
  • Storage, maintenance and servicing
  • Variants
  • Further development
  • Retirement
  • Where can I see one?
  • References
  • Footnotes
  • See also
  • The Orange Herald spherical warhead installed in the centre section frame of a Blue Danube casing prior to the Operation Grapple tests at Christmas Island. Although smaller at approx 36 inches diameter than the Green Grass warhead of Violet Club at 45 inches, the Green Grass warhead would appear to be very similar. A notable difference would be the 72-lenses of the Green Grass implosion system, derived from the Green Bamboo design, unlike this photograph showing 32 lenses and detonators. The Blue Danube derived firing switch (the large circular item attached to the frame at top left) is clearly seen, with the firing cables leading to each detonator also clearly visible. Because the timing of the firing signal was so important, each cable was of exactly identical length, with duplicated cables to the nearest detonators having to be coiled. The nose and tail units of the casing fix to the large circular frame of the modified Blue Danube casing. Photo: MoD

    Genesis

    The British Type A hybrid weapon was known as Green Bamboo, weighed approx 4,500 lb (2,045 kg) (4) and its spherical shape measured approx 45 inches diameter, with a 72-point implosion system. Green Bamboo was intended as the warhead for all projected British strategic delivery systems of the period; Yellow Sun Stage 1, a free-fall bomb for the V-bombers; Blue Steel an air-launched stand-off missile, also deployed aboard the V-bombers; and Blue Streak, a silo-based medium-range ballistic missile. Various other proposed delivery systems would also use this standardised warhead. The large girth of both Yellow Sun and Blue Steel was necessary to accomodate the large spherical implosion system of Green Bamboo. (5)

    A variant with a smaller implosion sphere, fewer explosive lenses, and some other changes was substituted for Green Bamboo when it was realised that the Blue Streak ballistic missile would be unable to accommodate the weight of Green Bamboo without appreciable loss of range performance. This Type A hybrid variant was codenamed Orange Herald, (6) and its reduced size and weight was achieved by reducing the size of the surrounding explosive layers (7) to under 1'000 lbs (454 kg) (8) and this would result in less compression at the fissile core when detonated, and a reduced nuclear efficiency and yield. Less fissile material is consumed as a consequence of lower compression before fission ends as the core expands and blows itself apart. To counter this and maintain yield at the desired level of 1 MT the fissile core of Orange Herald was enlarged, and this in turn made excessive demands on scarce and expensive fissile material. Estimates computed from reliable declassified official sources of actual core cost (9) and cost per kilogram of HEU (10) put the core sizes of Green Bamboo and Orange Herald as 98 kg and 125 kg respectively, although some other published (and unverified) sources claim lower figures of 87 kg and 117 kg respectively. A useful benchmark is the declassified document written by Sir William Penney in 1953, that estimated 120 kg of HEU was required for the 1 MT Zodiak Mk.3 unboosted fission warhead. (11) This Orange Herald hybrid boosted fission design was tested at Christmas Island in 1957, yielding 720 kt, (12) although AWRE scientists considered that the boosting elements failed to work, and that it functioned as a pure fission device. (13) Estimates of the quantity of HEU used in this device and in the Green Grass pure fission warhead of Violet Club should be interpreted in this light, although there is no declassified hard evidence on this point and all published figures are speculative.

    These two weapons, Green Bamboo and Orange Herald were intended as the two hybrid weapon predecessors of the first British thermonuclear weapons, based on the Granite design series that began with Short Granite, Purple Granite, Grapple X, Grapple Y, Flagpole and Halliard at Grapple Z.

    Emergency Capability Weapon

    Delays and failures in the Granite programme and the abandonment of Green Bamboo without a test, left a gap in the programme, and an emergency capability weapon to fill that gap was devised from elements of both Green Bamboo and Orange Herald; being known as Knobkerry, (14) or Green Grass, and the Interim Megaton Weapon. (15) There were also other factors involved in the decision to build an Interim Megaton Weapon. One being that the British production programme was by 1957 producing quantities of HEU for which there was no immediate need; and the Chiefs of Staff were reluctant to see it continue to languish in stores, unused for weapons, when it was being produced at great cost. (16) The Air Staff wanted the Interim Megaton Weapon to hoover-up the HEU allocated to them for strategic weapons but not yet used because of delays in development of thermonuclear weapons. The Air Staff view was that if the stored HEU were not used, they may lose it to the other Services. (17) The Army wanted nuclear landmines, and the Navy required HEU for a nuclear submarine reactor development programme, and 60 kg to fuel HMS Dreadnought, the Navy's first nuclear-powered submarine.

    Although there are no reliable or declassified sources for this amount, and one declassified source states the core size as "up to 120 kg" (18) the Green Grass warhead containing perhaps 70–86 kg of HEU was hurriedly produced and installed in a modified Blue Danube casing, to be known as Violet Club, until a better weapon based on a later Yellow Sun casing and the Green Grass warhead could be produced. This later, fully developed weapon, engineered to robust Service standards, was to incorporate better safety devices with in-flight removal of the nuclear safety device. The earlier Violet Club weapon was expected to be short-lived. A lower standard of safety and robustness was accepted for Violet Club, (19) and the nuclear safety device was removed on the ground after loading into the aircraft. At take-off Violet Club was armed and live. Because it was thought too dangerous to fly with it except in an operational emergency, and too dangerous to attempt a landing at base, no training, exercise or other peacetime flights were ever permitted. Nor was it permitted to be transported by road to the remote V-bomber dispersal bases around the UK, where the bombers would routinely disperse to at periods of heightened international tension. It had to be stored assembled at the assigned bomber bases, since transport on public roads from nearby specialist weapon storage facilities was forbidden.

    Plans for twelve Violet Club weapons were approved by the Chiefs of Staff for carriage in Vulcan and Victor aircraft, but in the event production was curtailed early, with only five produced, (20) carried by Vulcan aircraft only, and known by the RAF description of Bomb, Aircraft, HE 9'000 lb HC, (21) and their Green Grass warheads were removed for transfer to Yellow Sun casings when these became available. None were ever under RAF operational control during their short lives. Because of their complexity, and the fact that they were rushed into service as an emergency capability weapon, and that they were never proof-tested in a full nuclear test, nor been through the normal rigorous pre-Service testing process conducted by agencies independent of the designers and manufacturers, they were never formally accepted into service, or approved for Service use. Instead, the weapons were in the custody of AWRE staff at RAF bases, to be released to the RAF in the event of a national emergency being declared by the relevant authority. (22) Although Violet Club was known by the Service designation Bomb, Aircraft, HE 9'000 lb HC, this was a notional weight only. Actual weight was different. To make use of the existing Blue Danube casing without costly and time-consuming further tests, conditions that determined the known ballistic properties of the casing were replicated in Violet Club, with ballast carried to match Blue Danube's weight of 10'250 lbs and centre of gravity. The added weight of the ballbearing safety device increased total weight to 11'250 lbs (5'114 kg) when loaded into an aircraft for a 30-day readiness period, (23) although the aircraft release mechanism was limited to 11'100 lbs for a ferry flight. (24) Dispersal to remote airfields with the safety device in place was therefore not possible.



    Design defects

    Violet Club and Green Grass were not considered satisfactory designs and suffered from numerous design defects, some, in the case of Violet Club's casing, being inherited from the Blue Danube casing that had itself suffered from numerous defects. Many of these were attributable to it being the first British nuclear bomb, and it being the first bomb to be designed for release from aircraft flying at the great heights and speeds envisaged; and there was no experience of bomb release at more than twice the height and speed of the previous generation of medium bombers.

    The Blue Danube casing also suffered from being the first bomb casing designed with a large di-electric plastic nose. There was little previous manufacturing experience of these very large plastic mouldings, with only two manufacturers in the UK able to work to the demanding standards required, and these mouldings were the cause of much frustration with operation of the radar fuzes in Blue Danube. These fuzes, based on radar altimeter technology, were omitted from Violet Club, and replaced with off-the-shelf clockwork timers backed-up with barometric fuzes. Without the requirement for radar transparency, the plastic nose was replaced with a less troublesome metallic nose in Violet Club.

    The barometric fuzes themselves were an issue, because the aerodynamic design of the casing was very 'slippery' with a terminal velocity greater than Mach 2 when released from great heights and speeds. At this time, no aircraft could reach those speeds, and few could exceed Mach 1 except in a dive. Indeed, prior to the delivery of the first V-bomber in 1954, the RAF had no means of carrying the Blue Danube casing to the heights, or at the speeds required for test flights. At the high terminal speeds reached by the casing, the barometric sensing devices were prone to errors unless located where transonic shockwaves could not effect accuracy, but there was little understanding or experience to draw upon. In essence, the barometric fuzes were used in Blue Danube as 'gates' to switch on the power supply to the radar (altimeter) fuzes. This technique permitted the radar fuzes to be used sparingly, in the last few seconds before detonation at a measured height above ground, and being switched on only briefly, it was hoped that the radar fuzes would then be immune to enemy jamming. The barometric fuzes alone could not acheive the accuracy demanded without calibration to local air pressure. In Violet Club, this complex system was discarded, and a simple clockwork timer was activated at bomb release, that could be set using the casing's known measured ballistic performance data. The clockwork fuze was then backed-up with a barometric fuze and an impact fuze to ensure detonation in the event of a failed clockwork and barometic fuze.

    A major defect was the reliance on batteries for all electrical power after release from the aircraft. The batteries used were 6v lead acid accumulators, - commercial motorcycle batteries, that were kept fully-charged and inserted into the weapon on the ground immediately before flight. In Violet Club they were used to charge large capacitors in the warhead firing circuits and provide power to the Blue Stone ENI (External Neutron Initiator). Both were essential components of the firing circuits. Storing the batteries outside the weapon while on the ground was thought a necessary safety break between the power supply and the firing circuits, but contributed to lengthy delays while the batteries were inserted at the last minute before flight. Later generations of weapons used ram-air-driven generators that provided no power prior to release, or thermal batteries that could be safely stored in the weapon for lengthy periods without maintenance, and the necessary safety break was provided by other means, eg speed detectors activated only by bomb release.

    Other design flaws, the rushed Service entry and uncertainty about shelf-life of the weapon led to a requirement for a complete strip-down and inspection at six-monthly intervals. Each taking three weeks per weapon using AWRE civilian staff. The unstable nature of the weapon, with the fissile core being greater than one uncompressed critical mass, required that the work being done in-situ at RAF bases, causing considerable disruption to operational duties. Three principal reasons for the strip-downs were deterioration of the rubber bag lining the inside of the hollow spherical core, that was in intimate contact with the steel balls, corrosion of the steel ballbearings, which exacerbated rubber bag deterioration, and deterioration of the HE, which was prone to cracking. Replacement of the HE would cost RAF budgets in excess of £92'000 adjusted to 2007 prices. (25) The RAF were under considerable pressure to find adequate storage for the weapons at operational bases, because the weapon was too unstable to be transported by road to suitable specialist weapon storage facilities, or to be stored in close proximity to other similar weapons. One weapon per storage building was the rule. Strip-down inspections were a further hindrance to their operational duties, seriously jeopardising essential safety and servicing work on tactical nuclear weapons. (26)

    Green Grass warhead

    The Green Grass warhead of Violet Club was a hollow spherical implosion design; a fissile core of HEU (Highly Enriched Uranium, weapons or military grade U-235) surrounded by an explosive supercharge and a 72-lens implosion system. The HEU core brought together into one solid piece was greater than one uncompressed critical mass. To prevent spontaneous fission and keep it sub-critical the HEU was fabricated into a hollow thin-walled sphere of approximately 22 in (560mm) internal diameter and approximately 0.14 in (3.6mm) thick, although there is as yet, no declassified hard evidence to support these figures computed from other declassified data.. When triggered, the HE implosion system collapsed the core inwards into a solid sphere of approx 200 mm diameter at normal density, continuing to crush it yet smaller. The hollow core also benefited from what is referred to as levitation, where the airspace within the hollow sphere permits the collapsing shell to gather speed before impacting at the centre. This process has been described as 'hammering' the core as in driving a nail using the kinetic energy of a swinging hammer, as distinct from placing the hammerhead on a nail and pushing. Although it is not clear that British designers were aware of the benefits of a levitated design at this stage.

    The Green Grass warhead contained perhaps 70–86 kg of HEU (although there are no reliable declassified sources for this figure).

    The hollow spherical core was entirely supported by a tamper (believed to be tuballoy, or natural uranium) and the HE supercharge and lenses. These in turn were supported inside a cast magnesium 'honeycomb' or matrix to aid structural strength. (27) The honeycomb can be visualised as similar in concept to an eggbox supporting an egg, with holes piercing it to permit wiring and other services to pass.

    Knobkerry, or Green Grass was the first deployed British warhead to dispense with the crude crush-type polonium-210 and beryllium neutron generators used to initiate fission with a burst of neutrons. These were used in all earlier weapon designs, including Little Boy, Fat Man, Blue Danube and Red Beard, and were a great inconvenience with their short shelf-life of around six to nine months before requiring replacement. The logistical difficulties were enormous. Instead, Green Grass used an Electronic Neutron Generator or ENI codenamed Blue Stone, also referred to as Unit 386D, which had the virtue of being located outside the implosion sphere and was adjustable, allowing the neutron burst to be triggered at precisely the right moment to maximise yield. Prior to release, the Blue Stone ENI drew electrical power from the aircraft via an improvised device known by the codeword Fishfryer, which supplied power to warm-up the ENI and charge capacitors. (28)

    Burst heights of 3'500 ft and 6200 ft AGL (above ground level) (29) were chosen to maximise ground overpressure at 6psi, or to maximise overpressure without fireball ground contact, using a barometric fuze with a clockwork timer backup. (30) Impact and graze fuzes provided an assured detonation. With the exception of the clockwork timer, these fuzing items were inherited with the Blue Danube casing. The radar altimeter fuzes were omitted, and the radar-transparent thermoplastic nosecone was replaced with a metal nose. (31)

    Safety and arming

    The safety system used was inherited from the Green Bamboo design, which also had a core fabricated as a hollow spherical shell, although smaller than Green Grass, required fewer steel balls to fill it, and that weighed considerably less at 620 lbs (282 kg). (32) The weight of the safety system balls in Green Grass at 1'040 lbs (473 kg) (33) suggests a much larger diameter for the fissile core's spherical shell , although there is as yet no declassified hard evidence.

    A fire in a bomb store or a traffic collision on an airfield could result in a partial crushing or collapse of the non-removable HEU core, and in turn a spontaneous nuclear chain reaction. AWRE responded by inserting a rubber bag, rather akin to an outsize female condom, though a hole in the core, and filled this with 6'500 (34) steel ball bearings weighing 1'040 lbs (473 kg). (31) That computes to balls of one inch diameter. When Green Grass warheads installed in Violet Club were later transferred to a more modern bomb casing, Yellow Sun Mk.1, the quantity of these steel balls was increased to 120,000 with a reduction in size to 0.375 in diameter (9.5 mm) to make removal easier, (35) and there is a claim elsewhere in a book commissioned by the MoD that the quantity was increased yet further to 133'000, (36) which suggests that the ball diameter was reduced further to approximately 9mm. The balls were retained in the device by sealing the hole with a bung. (37) The steel balls were intended to prevent a nuclear detonation even if the explosives fired accidentally, or in any conceivable accident. The ball bearings had to be removed through the hole in the bomb casing during flight preparation, after the bomb was winched into the aircraft. The ball bearings then had to be re-inserted into the lowered and upturned bomb before transport back to the bomb store. The batteries were also installed before flight, and the neutron generator enabled, and without the final safety device of the ball bearings installed, these weapons were armed and live, and the RAF view was that they were too dangerous to be flown on exercises. Bomber Command exercises demonstrated that flight preparation followed by a scramble take-off could not be reduced below thirty minutes with the Green Grass warhead fitted into the improved Yellow Sun casing, (38) and on exercises in bad weather and at night, a ninety minute scramble was the norm. (39)

    An accident was reported in the autumn-winter-spring of 1958-59 when the steel ball retaining bung was inadvertently removed and 6'500 one inch diameter steel ball bearings the size of gobstoppers exited onto the floor, (40) leaving the bomb armed and vulnerable, and the Royal Air Force were so nervous of the outcome of a fire in storage, that permission was sought to store the bombs inverted, so that a loss of the bung could not end with the steel balls on the floor, and the HEU unprotected against a subsequent explosion. (41) Even without the partial nuclear detonation feared by the RAF, there was "a risk of catastrophe". (42)



    Deployment and carriage

    Deployment was to be at RAF Wittering and Vulcan squadrons at RAF Finningley and Scampton, although at Scampton a problem arose because there were no suitable storage and workshop facilities on base at Scampton. The weapon was to be stored nearby at Scampton's off-base specialist weapon storage and maintenance facility at RAF Faldingworth, seven miles away. The embargo on transport of assembled Violet Club weapons on public roads was a subject of much head-scratching, and there are declassified files that show that an exception was made for this site. (43) The first weapon was delivered in April 1958, and the fifth and last was due for delivery on 27 November 1958, (44) although there are suggestions that this date may have slipped to May 1959, just in time to be retired from service. (45)

    Carriage was by Vulcan medium bombers only, the Victor being later into service, with release at high altitude only, using the same techiques as adopted for Blue Danube. The Violet Club casing had identical ballistic properties to Blue Danube to minimise development time and cost.

    RAF dissatisfaction

    Violet Club/Green Grass struggled to meet the Chiefs of Staff requirement for a high yield Interim Megaton Weapon as specified with a megaton range yield. It was a cobbling together of elements of at least two other designs, Green Bamboo and Orange Herald, both inherently unstable designs, each with fissile cores that were greater than one uncompressed critical mass. A hastily devised nuclear safety mechanism added to overcome the warhead's inherent instability was less than adequate to ensure safety in several scenarios identified by the RAF. One such scenario was that of an aircraft fire while a Violet Club bomb was loaded in the aircraft with the safety balls removed. The best advice AWRE could offer was to drench the area with fire retardant while lowering the weapon to the ground for a quick getaway. Or lowering the weapon to re-insert the steel balls. (46) Without the steel balls inserted, a road traffic accident on the airfield that crushed or deformed the hollow spherical fissile core was sufficient to initiate uncontrolled fission. With 1'500 lbs (689 kg) of HE in the bomb, (47) a large 'dirty bomb' was a real possibility, and contributed to the restrictions on road movement on and off base.

    Violet Club had to be armed before flight and take-off was likely to be hazardous, and therefore the weapon couldn't be used on an airborne alert, (48) and couldn't be jettisoned when armed. Landing on return to base with an armed bomb was too hazardous to contemplate. The aircraft's bomb release mechanism's ferry flight weight limit of 11'100 lbs was inadequate for the bomb with the ballbearing safety device installed, (49) so Violet Club couldn't be flown to a remote dispersal base in accordance with RAF strategy planned for periods of heightened international tension, (50) and that was a source of great disatisfaction for the RAF, because the dispersal plan was central to RAF strategy. Strategic Air Command bomber bases were mostly located deep within the North American landmass, and had considerable warning time before short-range missiles launched from off-shore could reach their bases, and had adequate time to scramble their aircraft. Unlike SAC, all ten RAF Bomber Command main bases were within range of short-range missiles launched from off-shore or Eastern Europe, and had only minutes after receipt of warning in which to scramble their aircraft. The ten main bases were therefore supplemented by twenty-six dispersal airfields, located from Kent, close to the English Channel, to Cornwall, Wales and Ulster in the west, to the north east and the Western Isles of Scotland. At times of international tension, bombers were to disperse with their weapons around these distant airfields. Violet Club, being unmovable by road when assembled, unarmed, and not able to be flown unarmed to the bomber's disperal airfield, effectively wrecked RAF strategic dispersal plans. The RAF were aware of these shortcomings when they agreed to accept Violet Club as an emergency capability weapon for a short period, with the proviso that after approximately one year a more developed variant of the Green Grass warhead fitted into a better, modern casing, Yellow Sun, would be introduced. It would have in-flight arming with a mechanism to jettison the steel ball safety device only if the bombers were ordered beyond their fail-safe point. RAF chagrin was in large part because that improved weapon was never produced, and the Green Grass ground-armed warhead installed in Yellow Sun casings soldiered on for four years, until 1963, after the Cuban Missile Crisis, with the RAF unable to disperse its bombers.

    The warhead installed in Violet Club was never proof-tested, and AWRE estimated its yield at 500 kilotons, based on the Christmas Island test of Orange Herald. Mr W.J.Challens of AWRE who later became the Director of AWRE claimed to the Air Staff that it met the specification because

            A weapon of one half megaton is considered to be in the megaton range."   (51)


    A statement that returned to haunt AWRE when later estimates revised the yield downwards to 400 kt. (52) Challens also stated to the Air Staff on behalf of AWRE that


        "AWRE were almost completely sure that a nuclear explosion would not occur if the balls are in -
            but in the absence of trial-proof he could not guarantee it."   (53)


    It is hardly surprising that his qualification of 'almost' did not instil confidence in the Service users, and the non-nuclear elements of the weapon were not adequately tested either, as this RAF Bomber Command instruction indicates.


        "Aircraft engines must not be run with Violet Club loaded on the aircraft with the safety
        device
        [of steel balls] in place. The engines must not be started until the weapon is prepared
        for an actual operational sortie."
           (54) [To prevent the balls vibrating like a bag of jellybeans].

          " ... uncertainty exists about the effects of movement with the balls inserted."   (55)


    Other engineering specialists were also unimpressed with the warhead. Dr S.Jones, writing on behalf of the Armaments Dept at the Royal Aircraft Establishment at Farnbourgh described the nuclear safety device as a:

        "very unsatisfactory type of nuclear safety device that was essential for Green Grass ... "   (56)


    A senior officer, an Air Commodore, the Director of Operations at Bomber Command, writing on 26 Jan 1959, referring to the flight preparation time and recall after take-off said:


        "I think the twenty minutes required to make the weapon 'ready' [for take-off] impacts on Bomber
        Command's plans to no small extent: and it is not very 'safe' once this action has commenced.
        Return to base after recall, may be hazardous. We want a better safety device."
           (57)

    A Wing Commander at RAF Bomber Command, a Bomber Operations staff officer, minuted his senior, the Air Commodore quoted above with this comment, dated May 1959:

        "This minute means that Violet Club and Yellow Sun [both with the Green Grass warhead]
        are not "in the megaton range" at all, notwithstanding the extraordinary measures taken
        and costs involved for what we thought to be a megaton capability. This ... leads me to the
        belief that production of Green Grass be curtailed. I cannot imagine any commercial
        organisation continuing to buy a device that so patently fails to meet the requirement,
        or to be misled without protest as the Air Ministry has so consistently been by AWRE."
           (58)

    Summing up, senior officers at RAF Bomber Command believed they had been sold a 'lemon', and an expensive one too.



    Storage, maintenance and servicing

    The complete weapon was not of the modern variety of nuclear weapon that is not normally servicable by the armed forces in the frontline, and returned at intervals to the manufacturer for service. Violet Club, like Blue Danube before it, was intended to be serviced by the user, the RAF, at air bases, without assistance from the civilian manufacturers. However, the RAF had little experience of nuclear weapons, security was very restrictive, and few people outside AWRE had a firm understanding of nuclear technology, or the associated fuzing and firing technologies.

    The weapon was not supplied to the RAF whole, fully assembled, ready for use, but as a series of parts, some major sub-assemblies, eg. the nose section, the tail section, the centre section, and the warhead. Unlike the earlier Blue Danube weapon, the fissile core of Green Grass was an integral part of the warhead and could not be removed without a complete strip-down of the warhead. The unstable nature of the warhead, with its fissile core greater than one uncompressed criticial mass, precluded it being assembled before delivery, and so was assembled on each airbase by a team of civilian staff from AWRE, with some assistance from RAF technicians. (59)

    AWRE stipulated that each Green Grass warhead must be stripped-down at six-monthly intervals (60) for a thorough inspection, taking three weeks per weapon, and done by AWRE civilian staff at RAF air bases, with some help from the RAF. A further impediment was the restriction placed on locating more than two weapons in the same maintenance and storage building, and not closer together than six feet. (61) A great strain was placed on the RAF's other operational requirement to service Blue Danube weapons in the available facilities. The RAF were unhappy with these arrangements, and the poor standard of design of Green Grass that had led to that situation.

    AWRE were concerned to restrict knowledge of the inner workings of the weapon to as few people outside AWRE as possible. (62) Their civilian staff were doing the routine maintenance work at airbases that senior RAF staff officers considered should be done by uniformed personnel in order to comply with the Geneva Convention, which forbade civilian workers being used in the front line preparing weapons for use. (63) Attempts by the RAF and Air Ministry to produce a service manual TSD.779 vol 1 (64) for uniformed servicemen met with determined opposition from AWRE at the highest level, (65) which at one stage refused to co-operate with production of a maintainer's manual, claiming that the manual jeopardised security, and that RAF maintainers had no need to know what was inside the weapon, and what uniformed service personnel could not see, they did not need to know of. (66) RAF staff officers and the Air Ministry asserted their right to determine the security procedures with the Service, and that their servicing policy would not be determined by an external, civilian research establishment, (67) if the RAF were to assume full responsibility for storage, maintenance and security of the weapon. The RAF asserted that some knowledge of the inner workings and content of the warhead was essential to Service morale and efficiency. (68) Without the limited knowledge contained within a service manual, their servicing personnel would not be able to carry out the servicing task, (69) morale would decline, and safety would be compromised. RAF engineering staff officers recommended that the RAF should only accept responsibility for the safe custody of Violet Club, with AWRE completely responsible for everything concerning maintenance and preparation, and that the RAF should not accept any delegation of servicing tasks until a servicing manual was issued to RAF engineering personnel. (70)

    Storage temperature limitations were exacting. (71) The limits specified were principally aimed at maintaining the HE implosion material in good condition, controlling differential rates of thermal expansion and contraction between the HE and other components, and prevention of cracking and distortion of the HE. Short-term temperature limits set for an operational mission were less restrictive initially at 5°C - 40°C, but later raised to 18°C - 40°C, while in the aircraft's heated bomb bay. Long-term ground storage temperature limits were more rigorous at 18°C - 28°C in heated and air-conditioned magazines. Weapons held at immediate readiness for 30 days alongside the aircraft on the airfield, were stored inside a heated pantechnican parked alongside each aircraft, and temperature limits were as for the heated aircraft bomb bay, with some parts of the weapon were kept warm using an electric blanket.

    The large amount of high explosive (approx 1'500 lbs or 682 kg) contained in each weapon was as great a concern as radioactive components, and the number permitted in each storage building was strictly limited to two, and not closer together than six feet.

    Variants

    There were no variants or derivatives of Violet Club, although the warhead itself, Green Grass, was used in a later weapon, Yellow Sun Mk.1, and there were plans to install Green Grass in the Avro Blue Steel Mk.1 stand-off bomb carried by Vulcan and Victor medium bombers. These plans were cancelled when a better warhead was made available after the 1958 US-UK Mutual Defence Agreement, often referred to informally as the 1958 Bi-Lateral.

    Further development

    There was no further development of Violet Club. It was a one-off design, with no development potential, and was succeeded by a radically different concept, the fission-fusion-fission type of thermonuclear warhead, referred to above as the Type B.

    The Interim Megaton Weapon, alias Knobkerry, alias Green Grass, that wasn't really of megaton yield, used in Violet Club and Yellow Sun Mk.1 had another distinction. It was the last entirely British nuclear weapon deployed with the RAF. All later weapons were of entirely American design, or had significant amounts of American design know-how incorporated in their design following the 1958 Bi-Lateral. The RAF never deployed a thermonuclear weapon of wholly home-grown design. Although lessons were undoubtedly learned from them, and some features incorporated into later warheads, the thermonuclear devices tested in the atmosphere at Christmas Island in Operation Grapple were all abandoned, because AWRE no longer had any need for them. They were all experimental devices that required further work, time, and considerable amounts of money to develop them into reliable weapons able to withstand the rough-and-tumble of Service life. The American designs offered in late 1958 were fully tested and Service-engineered, and cheap to produce. (72) They were manufactured in Britain from British materials (athough many non-nuclear components were purchased in the United States) (73) from American-supplied blueprints. (74) They were British property, and there were no American political constraints on their independent use. For the Treasury, the deal must have appeared truly wonderful. Violet Club and Yellow Sun Mk.1 bridged the gap for a few short years until these American designed warheads became available.

    Unlike the earlier weapons deployed with the RAF, Blue Danube and Red Beard, the fissile material for Violet Club was embedded in the implosion sphere (75) and could not be removed and stored separately. Also, unlike the earlier weapons, they did not use a plutonium fissile core, instead using HEU for the reasons stated above. They were very large and 'dirty' fission weapons; the largest pure or unboosted fission bombs deployed by any nuclear power before or since.

    Although a fission warhead of any given yield would use more HEU (76) (and be less expensive) than a warhead constructed from plutonium, a fission weapon of Violet Club size was simply impossible to construct with a plutonium core with the technology available, because the problems associated with predetonation, caused by Pu-240 impurities in reactor-produced Pu-239 were insurmountable, at that time, and with this design. With the technology of the period, HEU was the only possible usable fissile material for an unboosted fission weapon of this large size. Consequently, the fissile core of Violet Club was considerably cheaper built from HEU than plutonium because the industrial costs of producing the two fissile materials was widely different, with plutonium being over 640% more costly than HEU. (77) An added bonus was that the United States was supplying the UK with their lower cost HEU, while the UK were able to sell their expensive and surplus military grade plutonium to the United States, which must have cheered the Treasury somewhat. A further bonus was that US produced HEU was priced at less than one third of the British cost of HEU production, at 1958 prices. (78) In this period, the UK purchased over seven tons of US produced HEU, much of it finding its way into the Interim Megaton Weapon. Enough to produce approximately one hundred Violet Club bombs.

    Retirement

    All five Violet Club weapons were retired by the end of May 1959. (79) The warheads were removed and retrofitted to the new Yellow Sun Mk.1 casings, where they were to be adapted for in-flight removal of the steel ballbearing nuclear safety device, using the smaller balls. These plans for in-flight arming were never implemented, the equipment was never deployed, and the Green Grass warheads from Violet Club were transferred to Yellow Sun Mk1 casings intact. The failure of AWRE and RAE at Farnborough to implement the in-flight arming plans was a source of much of the dissatisfaction expressed by senior RAF staff officers, partly because of safety concerns; partly because of servicing issues; but mainly because the RAF Bomber Command dispersal plan was unusable.

    The casings were scrapped, and none survive in museums. The five Green Grass warheads from Violet Club with a further thirtytwo warheads built for Yellow Sun Mk.1 survived until 1963 when all were replaced by thermonuclear warheads of American design.

    Where can I see one?

    There are no surviving examples of either Violet Club or the Green Grass warhead, the Interim Megaton Weapon. Only one similar bomb carcass, an example of Blue Danube, survives in the AWE Historical Collection. This collection is kept on a secure site at AWE Aldermaston which is closed to the general public. Only in exceptional circumstances will AWE and the MoD invite bona-fide researchers to view the collection.

    A Blue Danube casing, externally identical to the casing used for Violet Club.

    References

    Footnotes

    1. TNA (the National Archives, London). AIR 2/13759 E18B. Megaton bomb (Zodiac Mk 3).  ^ up
    2. TNA AIR 2/13759 E14A p1. Megaton bomb (Zodiac Mk 3).  ^ up
      TNA AIR 2/13759 E18B. Megaton bomb (Zodiac Mk 3).  ^ up
    3. Lorna Arnold. Britain and the H-Bomb, p61-62, 66, 84. Published MacMillan-Palgrave, London 2001.  ISBN 0-333-75685-0 hardback,
      ISBN 0-333-94742-8
      softback, in North America: ISBN 0-312-23518-6 hardback. Copyright MoD.  ^ up
    4. Dr Richard Moore: University of Southampton, Mountbatten Centre for International Studies: Nuclear History Working Paper No1.  ^ up
    5. Humphrey Wynn.  RAF Strategic Nuclear Forces: their origins, roles and deployment 1946-69, p193.  Published HMSO, London, 1994. ISBN 0-1177-2833-0 Copyright MoD.  ^ up
    6. TNA AVIA 65/1193 E1 and E5 part transcription. Warhead for a medium range missile: Air Staff requirement OR 1142 Orange Herald (DAW plans action) 1955-1958.  ^ up
    7. Lorna Arnold. Britain and the H-Bomb, p87.  ^ up
    8. TNA AIR 2/13746 E16A p1. Warhead for medium range ballistic missile BLUE STREAK (OR 1139 and 1142) 1955-1960.  ^ up
    9. TNA AB 16/1888 E111. Grapple 1 and Green Bamboo weapons tests; finance.  ^ up
    10. TNA AB 16/3878 Appendix 4. Forward prices of fissile materials covering dates 1957-1961.  ^ up
    11. TNA AIR 2/13759 E14A p1. Megaton bomb (Zodiac Mk 3).  ^ up
    12. TNA AIR 2/13759 E18B. Megaton bomb (Zodiac Mk 3).  ^ up
      Lorna Arnold. Britain and the H-Bomb, p147, p236.  ^ up
    13. Lorna Arnold. Britain and the H-Bomb, p147.  ^ up
    14. Dr Richard Moore: University of Southampton, Mountbatten Centre for International Studies: Nuclear History Working Paper No1.  ^ up
    15. TNA AIR 2/13680 E11A. Megaton bomb (OR 1136) 1954-1956.  ^ up
      TNA AIR 2/13680 E46B. Megaton bomb (OR 1136) 1954-1956.  ^ up
      TNA AVIA 65/1116 E18 p4. MoD Defence Research Policy Committee: Atomic Energy Sub-Committee; agenda and minutes.  ^ up
    16. TNA AIR 2/13680 E46B p1 para 2. Megaton bomb (OR 1136) 1954-1956.  ^ up
    17. TNA AIR 2/13680 E11A. Megaton bomb (OR 1136) 1954-1956.  ^ up
      TNA AIR 2/13680 E46 p1-2 para 5. Megaton bomb (OR 1136) 1954-1956.  ^ up
    18. TNA AIR 2/13680 E46B p02 (c). Megaton bomb (OR 1136) 1954-1956.  ^ up
    19. TNA AIR 2/13718 E24 pages 1-2. Violet Club: policy, 1957-1958. Letter from ACAS (OR) to DCAS notifying him 14 April 1958, of formal clearance for Service use of Violet Club received from DGAW and transmitted to C-in-C Bomber Command 11 April 1958.  ^ up
    20. TNA AVIA 65/1218 E167. Violet Club correspondence 1957-1959.  ^ up
    21. TNA AIR 2/13718 E24B. Violet Club: policy, 1957-1958. Letter from ACAS (OR) to C-in-C Bomber Command, 11 April 1958.  ^ up
      TNA AIR 2/13718 E24B Annex 1, p2. Violet Club: policy 1957-1958. Annex to ACAS (OR) letter to C-in-C Bomber Command, dated 11 April 1958.  ^ up
    22. TNA AIR 2/13718 E24B. Violet Club: policy, 1957-1958. Letter from ACAS (OR) to C-in-C Bomber Command, 11 April 1958.  ^ up
    23. TNA AVIA 65/1218 E38. Violet Club correspondence 1957-1959.  ^ up
    24. TNA AVIA 65/1218 E35. Violet Club correspondence 1957-1959.  ^ up
    25. TNA AVIA 65/1155 E194, para 11.  10'000 lb HE MC bomb: ASRs 1947-1962.  ^ up
    26. TNA AIR 2/13705 E27A. Yellow Sun: policy 1957-1966.  ^ up
    27. TNA AVIA 65/1218 E183(a). Violet Club correspondence 1957-1959.  ^ up
    28. TNA AIR 2/13705 E15A p2 para I. Yellow Sun: policy 1957-1966.  ^ up
      TNA AVIA 65/1218 E43. Violet Club correspondence 1957-1959.  ^ up
    29. TNA AIR 2/13705 E56A. Yellow Sun: policy 1957-1966.  ^ up
      TNA AIR 2/13705 E58A. Yellow Sun: policy 1957-1966.  ^ up
    30. TNA AIR 2/13718 E7A (4). Violet Club: policy 1957-1958.  ^ up
    31. TNA AIR 2/13718 E24B p1 para 4. Violet Club: policy, 1957-1958. Letter from ACAS (OR) to C-in-C Bomber Command, 11 April 1958.  ^ up
      TNA AIR 2/13718 E21A p1 para 3. Violet Club: policy, 1957-1958. Statement by W.J.Challens on behalf of AWRE, recorded in the minutes of a conference at the Air Ministry to discuss the acceptance standard of Violet Club.  ^ up
    32. TNA AIR 2/13681 E17A p3 para 2.2. Megaton bomb (OR 1136) 1957.  ^ up
    33. TNA AVIA 65/777 E2. Blue Steel warhead: installation 1957-1959.  ^ up
    34. Royal Air Force Historical Society Journal No26 (2001) p96 ISSN 1361 4231 Report of a seminar on the RAF experience of nuclear weapons. Air Commodore Owen Truelove, an Engineer Officer nuclear weapons specialist's account.  ^ up
    35. TNA AVIA 65/777 E9 p3. Blue Steel warhead: installation 1957-1959.  ^ up
      TNA AVIA 65/777 E37 p4. Blue Steel warhead: installation 1957-1959.  ^ up
    36. David J.Hawkins. Keeping the Peace, the Aldermaston Story, p52 para 03. Published Pen and Sword Books in association with AWE plc Media and publishing group. 2000. ISBN 0-85052-775-9 Crown Copyright 2000. An account commissioned by the MoD written by a former Manager of Corporate Communications at AWE. Although useful in parts it should not be overlooked that this is written by a former PR officer at AWE, tasked with producing an account for AWE's public relations group.  ^ up
    37. TNA AVIA 65/1218 E15. Violet Club correspondence 1957-1959.  ^ up
    38. TNA AIR 2/13705 E62A. Yellow Sun: policy 1957-1966.  ^ up
    39. TNA AIR 2/13705 E62A. Yellow Sun: policy 1957-1966.  ^ up
    40. Royal Air Force Historical Society Journal No26 (2001) p96 ISSN 1361 4231 Report of a seminar on the RAF experience of nuclear weapons. Air Commodore Owen Truelove, an Engineer Officer nuclear weapons specialist's account.  ^ up
    41. TNA AIR 2/13705 E36A. Yellow Sun: policy 1957-1966.  ^ up
      TNA AVIA 65/1218 E181. Violet Club: correspondence 1957-1959.  ^ up
      TNA AVIA 65/1218 E183. Violet Club: correspondence 1957-1959.  ^ up
      TNA AVIA 65/1218 E191. Violet Club: correspondence 1957-1959.  ^ up
    42. TNA AIR 2/13705 E47A p3. Yellow Sun: policy 1957-1966.  ^ up
      TNA AIR 2/13705 E62A p2. Yellow Sun: policy 1957-1966.  ^ up
      TNA AIR 2/13718 E24B p1 & 2, paras 4 & 6. Violet Club: policy, 1957-1958.  ^ up
      TNA AIR 2/13718 E24B Annex 1, p3, para 13, item (i). Violet Club: policy 1957-1958. Annex to ACAS (OR) letter to C-in-C Bomber Command, dated 11 April 1958.  ^ up
    43. TNA AIR 2/13705 E25A. Yellow Sun: policy 1957-1966.  ^ up
      TNA AIR 2/13705 E36A. Yellow Sun: policy 1957-1966.  ^ up
      TNA AIR 2/13705 E38A. Yellow Sun: policy 1957-1966.  ^ up
    44. TNA AIR 2/13705 E23A. Yellow Sun: policy 1957-1966.  ^ up
    45. TNA AVIA 65/1116 E20. MoD Defence Research Policy Committee: Atomic Energy Sub-Committee; agenda and minutes 1957-1960.  ^ up
    46. TNA AIR 2/13718 E17A (c). Violet Club: policy 1957-1958.  ^ up
      TNA AIR 2/13718 E24B Annex 1 p3. para 13 item (i). Violet Club: policy 1957-1958. Annex to letter from ACAS (OR) to C-in-C Bomber Command, dated 11 April 1958.  ^ up
    47. TNA AVIA 65/777 E35 p5. Blue Steel warhead: installation 1957-1959.  ^ up
    48. TNA AIR 2/13718 E24B Annex 1 p2. para 12. Violet Club: policy 1957-1958. Annex to letter from ACAS (OR) to C-in-C Bomber Command, dated 11 April 1958.  ^ up
    49. TNA AVIA 65/1218 E35. Violet Club correspondence 1957-1959.  ^ up
    50. Humphrey Wynn. RAF Strategic Nuclear Forces: their origins, roles and deployment 1946-69, p448, Dispersal Map. Published HMSO London1994.  ISBN 0-1177-2833-0 Copyright MoD.  ^ up
    51. TNA AIR 2/13718 E21A p2 para 8. Violet Club: policy, 1957-1958. Statement by W.J.Challens on behalf of AWRE, recorded in the minutes of a conference at the Air Ministry to discuss the acceptance standard of Violet Club.  ^ up
      TNA CAB 21/4533 E3 page 2. Cabinet papers: nuclear weapons nomenclature: policy. 1955.  ^ up
    52. TNA AIR 2/13705 E56A. Yellow Sun: policy 1957-1966.  ^ up
      TNA AIR 2/13705 E58A. Yellow Sun: policy 1957-1966.  ^ up
      TNA AIR 2/13705 E61A. Yellow Sun: policy 1957-1966.  ^ up
    53. TNA AIR 2/13718 E21A p2 para 8. Violet Club: policy, 1957-1958. Statement by W.J.Challens on behalf of AWRE, recorded in the minutes of a conference at the Air Ministry to discuss the acceptance standard of Violet Club.  ^ up
      TNA CAB 21/4533 E3 page 2. Cabinet papers: nuclear weapons nomenclature: policy. 1955.  ^ up
    54. TNA AIR 2/13718 E15A (3) (d). Violet Club: policy 1957-1958.  ^ up
    55. TNA AIR 2/13718 E21A p2, para 7, item 14, and p2, para 8, item 15. Violet Club: policy 1957-1958.  ^ up
    56. TNA AVIA 65/777 E75 p4(9)(a). Blue Steel warhead: installation 1957-1959.  ^ up
    57. TNA AIR 2/13705 E30A. Yellow Sun: policy 1957-1966. Handwitten addendum.  ^ up
    58. TNA AIR 2/13705 E59A. Yellow Sun: policy 1957-1966.  ^ up
    59. TNA AIR 2/13718 E24B p1 para 3. Violet Club: policy, 1957-1958. Letter from ACAS (OR) to C-in-C Bomber Command, 11 April 1958.  ^ up
      TNA AIR 2/13718 E24B Annex 1, p1, para 3. Violet Club: policy, 1957-1958. Annex to ACAS (OR) letter to C-in-C Bomber Command, 11 April 1958.  ^ up
    60. TNA AIR 2/13705 E27A p1, para 3. Yellow Sun: policy 1957-1966.  ^ up
    61. TNA AIR 2/13718 E24B Annex 1, p1, para 6. Violet Club: policy, 1957-1958. Letter from ACAS (OR) to C-in-C Bomber Command, 11 April 1958.  ^ up
    62. TNA AIR 20/11316 E12B p1(a). Nuclear weapons service manuals: policy 1958.  ^ up
    63. TNA AIR 20/11316 E17A p2, para 4(a). Nuclear weapons service manuals: policy 1958.  ^ up
      TNA AIR 20/11316 summary p2, para 4(a). Nuclear weapons service manuals: policy 1958.  ^ up
    64. TNA AIR 20/11316 E1A p1. Nuclear weapons service manuals: policy 1958.  ^ up
      TNA AIR 2/13718 E24B p1 para 4. Violet Club: policy, 1957-1958. Letter from ACAS (OR) to C-in-C Bomber Command, 11 April 1958.  ^ up
    65. TNA AIR 20/11316 E3A p1, para 6. Nuclear weapons service manuals: policy 1958.  ^ up
    66. TNA AIR 20/11316 E3A p1, para 1(a). Nuclear weapons service manuals: policy 1958.  ^ up
    67. TNA AIR 20/11316 E4A para 4. Nuclear weapons service manuals: policy 1958.  ^ up
      TNA AIR 20/11316 E4B para 9, para 10. Nuclear weapons service manuals: policy 1958.  ^ up
    68. TNA AIR 20/11316 E1A p1, para 3(a). Nuclear weapons service manuals: policy 1958.  ^ up
    69. TNA AIR 20/11316 E3A p1. Nuclear weapons service manuals: policy 1958.  ^ up
    70. TNA AIR 20/11316 E3A p1, para 6. Nuclear weapons service manuals: policy 1958.  ^ up
      TNA AIR 20/11316 E4B p1, para 5, para 9, para 10. Nuclear weapons service manuals: policy 1958.  ^ up
    71. TNA AVIA 65/1218 E24. Violet Club correspondence 1957-1959.  ^ up
    72. TNA AVIA 65/1771 E24 p1, para 3. Defence Committee on Nuclear Requirements 1959-1963.  ^ up
    73. TNA AVIA 65/1064 E74 p1, p2. Inspection of atomic weapons 1958-1960. Twenty items and sub-assemblies purchased in the United States for Red Snow production in the United Kingdom.  ^ up
    74. Lorna Arnold. Britain and the H-Bomb, p214.  ^ up
      Lorna Arnold. Britain and the H-Bomb, p213. Over 6'000 individual component and assembly blueprints.  ^ up
    75. TNA PREM 11/2944 E185A. Prime Minister's papers. Red Snow thermonuclear warhead manufacture at Burghfield: transportation issues 1959-1960.  ^ up
      TNA PREM 11/2944 E185B. Prime Minister's papers. Red Snow thermonuclear warhead manufacture at Burghfield: transportation issues 1959-1960.  ^ up
    76. Charles S.Grace. Nuclear Weapons: Principles, Effects and Survivability. Published: Royal College of Military Science, Shrivenham, Wiltshire, UK, and Brasseys, 1994. ISBN 0-0804-0992-X  ^ up
    77. TNA AB 16/3878 Appendix 4, p1. Forward prices of fissile materials. 1957-1961. Letter dated 07 March 1959 from AEA to DAWRE.   ^ up
    78. TNA AB 16/3878 Appendix 4. Forward prices of fissile materials. 1957-1961. Attached handwritten note identifies the US price of HEU @ £6'000/kg at 1958/59 prices, and the cost to the RAF from UK production as £21'000/kg at 1958/59 prices. Cost of Pu-239 to the RAF from UK production was £135'000/kg at 1958/59 prices.  ^ up
    79. TNA AVIA 65/1116 E20. MoD Defence Research Policy Committee: Atomic Energy Sub-Committee; agenda and minutes.  ^ up

    See also



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    Violet Friend



    Under construction.

    Contents

  • Genesis
  • Footnotes
  • See also
  • Genesis

    Footnotes

    See also





















    Violet Mist



    Under construction.

    Contents

  • Genesis
  • Footnotes
  • See also
  • Genesis

    Footnotes

    See also





















    Violet Vision



    Under construction.

    Contents

  • Genesis
  • Footnotes
  • See also
  • Genesis

    Footnotes

    See also





















    Vixens (generic)



    Under construction.

    Contents

  • Genesis
  • Footnotes
  • See also
  • Genesis

    Footnotes

    See also





















    Volcano



    Under construction.

    Contents

  • Genesis
  • Footnotes
  • See also
  • Genesis

    Footnotes

    See also





















    WE.148



    Under construction.

    Contents

  • Genesis
  • Footnotes
  • See also
  • Genesis

    Footnotes

    See also




















    WE.155



    Contents

  • Function
  • Description
  • Weights and Dimensions
  • Photo Gallery
  • References
  • See also
  • Function

    WE.155 was a watertight and airtight storage and transport container adaptable for all versions of the WE.177 bomb. The short version used for the WE.177A tactical bomb was made up of only two sections, the nose and the tail sections bolted together, and lengthened to accommodate WE.177B and WE.177C by the insertion of a 21 inch section bolted into the centre.

    Its function was to protect the weapon from climatic conditions, rough handling and accidents, including fire, and being lost overboard from ships. It was designed to float in seawater while fully loaded to enable recovery, and it was insulated to ensure a slow rate of heat transfer if exposed to fire.

    Although little is known from declassified sources of the environmental standards required for storage of the WE.177 weapon, standards were less demanding than for the earlier weapons replaced by WE.177, which required self-sufficient air-conditioned storage, powered by their container's own internal diesel generators. WE.155 containers had no internal power sources, no connections to external power sources, and no air-conditioning.

    Description

    Basically cylindrical in shape, divided into a forward, centre, and an aft section bolted together end-to-end as required. The sections had mild steel inner and outer skins separated by a two inch thick filling of calcium silicate thermal insulation. The steel cylinders were strengthened by D-shaped hoops of U-channel joined by longitudinal tubing. The hoops were attached at their lower ends to a horizontal framework of hollow square-section members that formed a platform on which the cylinder appeared to rest. With eight adjustable legs added, this horizontal frame forms a table-like structure onto which the cylinder was secured by the D-shaped hoops. With the legs fully raised the container can be stacked up to three in height, allowing sufficient height clearance for forklift handling.



    A hinged circular door closes the end of the forward section. The mild steel door encloses a fire break of two inch thick layer of calcium silicate, - a material intended to slow heat transmission to the container's contents. Six radially distributed locking bars lock the door closed by engaging in slots in the container outer rim. The locking bars are activated by a spiral cam plate driven via a geartrain by a manually operated handle, and the wedge-shaped ends of the locking bars compress the door against an 'O' ring seal. The central raised casing on the door contains the cam plate, gears and the operating handle. A padlocked hinged flap to the right of the raised casing provides access to the operating handle.

    The rear end is closed by a 'D' shaped cover bolted in position and sealed by two 'O' section rubber seals, and like the forward section door is constructed of welded mild steel sheet enclosing a two inch thick layer of calcium silicate fire break.

    Two rails joined by crossmembers are secured inside the forward section and form part of a 10-inch gauge rail system. This supports a cradle carrying the weapon. The cradle itself is not a part of the container, but is also used in conjuction with other weapon handling, servicing and aircraft loading equipment. The forward ten inches of the rail system hinges vertically to permit the circular door to close, and lowers into a horizontal position, bridging a gap to weapon servicing and preparation equipment, permitting the weapon cradle to be slid along the rail, to exit the container. Adustable legs permit the rail height to be aligned with external equipment.



    Weights and Dimensions

    Photo Gallery

    References

    See also






















    WE.176



    Under construction.

    Contents

  • Genesis
  • Construction
  • A change of direction
  • Footnotes
  • See also
  • Genesis

    WE.176 was the warhead component (or 'physics package') for an Improved Kiloton Bomb to the twin specifications of OR.1176 (for the boosted fission warhead) known by the designator PT.176,(1) and OR.1177 (2) for the complete weapon known as WE.177A and by the Service designator of Bomb, Aircraft, HE 600 lb MC.

    Development began possibly as early as 1958 (3) as a gas-boosted warhead for an Improved Kiloton Bomb and Red Beard replacement. The Red Beard bomb was heavy, large for fighter-bomber tactical aircraft to carry underwing, and the storage and handling conditions, and especially the temperature limitations, were a hindrance. Highly radioactive warhead components in the Red Beard warhead, comprising a primitive impact initiator (a neutron generator) had a life measured in months rather than years, that had to be returned to AWRE for re-lifing every six months from locations in the UK, Cyprus, Singapore and with the Fleet. The logistical issues that arose were severe,(4) and in the replacement warhead, WE.176, this initiator arrangement was replaced with an Electronic Neutron Initiator (ENI).

    The first generation warhead installed in Red Beard was armed before take-off with no possibility to change selections in-flight, or to disarm the weapon for a return to base. A replacement was urgently sought, even before Red Beard entered service, and an Air Ministry Operational Requirement was issued as OR.1176 for the warhead, and OR.1177 for the complete weapon, in Aug 1959.(5) The Royal Navy requirement GDA.10 was merged into OR.1176/OR.1177 as a joint requirement,(6) and sometime later an RAF Coastal Command requirement OR.1156, updated to OR.1178 for an anti-submarine nuclear depth bomb (NDB) was added,(7) although a UK-owned NDB was subsequently never issued to RAF maritime anti-submarine patrol aircraft, which only used US-supplied and owned weapons.(8)

    Although many aircraft were fitted to carry the Improved Kiloton Bomb with the PT.176 warhead to OR.1176, the principal users were originally intended to be the principle tactical strike aircraft of the RAF and Royal Navy, TSR2 (the Canberra replacement), and in the Fleet Air Arm the Buccaneer and embarked helicopters. Design was primarily focussed on the needs of these key aircraft, although other aircraft were included in the specification; principally, the aircraft being developed to OR.345 that became the Harrier, the three V-bombers and Canberra. (9) Although the Air Ministry's original OR.343 specification required Red Beard to be carried by TSR2, it was quickly realised that high drag, temperature and other limitations made internal or external carriage of Red Beard by TSR2 impossible. Unfortunately, the dimensions of the TSR2 bomb bay were largely determined by the dimensions of Red Beard, and in later years, when it was too late to change these dimensions, twin carriage of WE.177 gave rise to great difficulties. In particular the RAF and Royal Navy requirement written into later issues of OR.1177 for 'stick-bombing' delivery techniques of WE.177A by TSR2 and the Buccaneer.

    Construction

    The WE.176 warhead and the WE.177A weapon it was originally intended for, differed in one principal respect from the earlier weapon it replaced. Red Beard like similar early British and US weapons had a first generation spherical implosion device that used a removable fissile core that could be stored separately from the high-explosive components, with the fissile core inserted into the weapon at the last possible moment, either in-flight by mechanical loading devices (IFL) or on the ground immediately before take-off (LML). These arrangements were thought to enhance the safety of what were very complicated, yet primitive devices that mishandled would have devastating consequences. However, there was little practical experience of performing delicate servicing and assembly operations on equipment so complicated and so demanding of precision. The Red Beard weapon was broken down for storage into four major sections; the nose, the centre section containing the HE which was stored in its own air-conditioned container, the tail unit, and in separate containers, the fissile core and the highly radioactive impact initiator.

    The WE.176 replacement warhead was engineered rather differently, with fewer restaints on operational flexibility a principal objective. The first draft of the specification OR.1177 called for the weapon to be supplied, stored and transported in several main sections (nose with radar elements, centrebody, tail, and warhead capsule).(10) It had been hoped that the warhead capsule itself could be transferred between different weapons as and when operations required. For example: it was envisaged that a warhead capsule might be transferred between a bomb and another delivery vehicle, eg. an air-defence missile, an anti-submarine missile, or a torpedo.(11) This arrangement was quickly seen to be impractical and inflexible if other operational requirements were to be met, and a self-contained warhead enclosed in a shock-resistant capsule was installed in the fully assembled bomb casing at manufacture, and was issued to the Service in that state, installed in a non-air-conditioned storage container. It required no servicing or assembly operations by the Service user other than periodic checks for leakage and routine checks of the electrical systems.

    The life-limiting factor was the radioactive tritium gas used in the warhead, which decays at a known rate, and was specified to be replaced at three-year intervals initially. All other components were designed to match that expected three-year life,(12) and the entire weapon was returned to the manufacturer at that interval, when all routine servicing was done. This practice has been the norm for all subsequent British nuclear warheads.

    The armoured, shock-resistant warhead capsule contained an independent power supply and all the equipment needed for the warhead to function to detonation after a hard landing on the ground or in water in what is termed a 'laydown' delivery. The warhead capsule was protected by the shock-absorbing qualities of the nose and tail, and the after part of the centre section.(13) The equipment housed in these sections was no longer required after laydown. The tail was said to 'slap-down' on landing,(14) and in doing so absorbed some of the landing shocks, protecting the armoured warhead capsule, itself secured inside a forged high-strength aluminium alloy centre section casing.(15)

    The warhead capsule was gas pressurised and watertight. Hydrostatic firing pistols were incorporated in the warhead capsules fitted to WE.177A to detonate the warhead at the required water depth down to 2'000 ft.(16) The hydrostats were not fitted to warhead capsules used in WE.177B,(17) and possibly not in WE.177C. Radar units in the nose of WE.177A could be removed and replaced by ballast when the weapon was only required to be used in the NDB role, and WE.177B weapons did not have radar units fitted from the outset because they were only required to be used in the laydown role.(18) Radar units were added later so that high and medium altitude ballistic releases were possible. It is likely that the WE.177C variant had similar arrangements to WE.177B, but as yet there is no hard evidence.

    A change of direction

    Development of a warhead to replace Red Beard had been proceeding since 1959, and the options initially favoured included an indigenous UK thermonuclear design codenamed Una and a lower yield variant of RE.179 an anglicised version of the US W-59 thermonuclear warhead used on some Minuteman 1 ICBMs. Both Una and RE.179 were to use as a fission primary the anglicised version of the US W-44 Tsetse warhead, Tony. Una and RE.179 were also being developed for the strategic system Skybolt, the Blue Water SSM for the Army, and the WE.177 tactical bomb for the RAF to spec OR.1177 when political events elsewhere required significant changes in plans.

    The Skybolt ALBM intended to extend the usefulness of the V-bomber force as a strategic deterrent was cancelled by the US, and the UK chose to replace Skybolt with Polaris SLBMs and submarines. A warhead for Skybolt was well-advanced, and plans emerged to adapt that warhead for an emergency 'stop-gap' weapon for the V-bombers, based on an enlarged WE.177, and later for the UK Polaris A3T. The warhead intended for the defunct Skybolt was a UK-manufactured copy of the US W-59(19) thermonuclear warhead with a UK-manufactured copy of the US W-44 Tsetse as the fission primary. The latter known as Tony and later as RO.106.(20) However, the US W-44 used a HE composition known as PBX-9404 that was too shock-sensitive to comply with strict UK explosives safety standards and Tony (RO.106) used a less sensitive but less powerful British HE. Although the HE retained its power in storage, tritium used to boost and accelerate fission, decays at a rate of approximately 4.4% per year, and after a lengthy period in storage, Tony was not sufficiently powerful at an estimated 8½ kT to assure detonation of the secondary fusion component of the RE.179 warhead.(21) Various alternatives were studied before a solution was adopted to use a wholly-British original design of primary based on earlier UK designs Super Antelope and Cleo.(22) These were tested as Pampas (23) and Tendrac. This British device was the base-design used in various forms for UK Polaris, WE.177B, WE.177A and WE.177C as Jenny, Katie, Katie A, and Cirene.

    Production of a replacement for the Red Beard tactical bomb by 1965 to coincide with the introduction into service of TSR2 and the carrier- borne Buccaneer was postphoned until 1971, and priorities were re-arranged. First priority was a stop-gap weapon to allow the V-bomber force to soldier on, penetrating Soviet airspace at low level to improve their survivability until Polaris was ready in 1969. To do that, the V-bombers required a weapon that could be released at low level. Their existing strategic free-fall weapon was Yellow Sun, and this was limited to releases from high altitudes where the bombers were vulnerable. Some efforts were made to adapt Yellow Sun for release from approx 12'000 ft after a 'pop-up' maneouvre from low level, but the only realistic solution was a new weapon designed for low level release.

    Assigned first priority for an in-service date of end-1965 later extended to mid-1966 (24) was this new laydown weapon WE.177B, adapted from existing plans for OR.1177, using a warhead adapted from the fusion secondary of the defunct Skybolt warhead mated to the UK-designed fission primary tested at Pampas and Tendrac. A specification was quickly produced as OR.1195 (25) for the complete weapon, also known unofficially as Weapon X and the stop-gap weapon.(26) The complex multi-faceted fuzing options of OR.1177 were not required for this stop-gap laydown weapon and these were not incorporated, although planned for retrofit later.(27)

    Assigned second priority was the warhead for the UK Polaris force. After a study of options, the solution chosen was similar to WE.177B. The same fusion secondary used in WE.177B was adapted in a less powerful form. The primary used was also an adaptation of the primary used in WE.177B. Benefits included a reduced need for expensive and politically undesirable nuclear tests,(28) and design experience with the earlier warhead permitted economies in use of scarce fissile material.

    Assigned third priority was the PT.176 warhead and capsule to specification OR.1176 for WE.177, now relabelled WE.177A, the Improved Kiloton Bomb, intended to replace Red Beard, which now had to remain in use until replacement began in 1969, with the first deliveries to the Royal Navy,(29) followed by first deliveries to the RAF in 1971.(30)

    PRO declassified files provide hard evidence that the Cleo device tested at Pampas UGT was not one-point-safe.(31) It used a mechanical safety device consisting of a core filling of two litres of five micron diameter glass balls (32) that were to be ejected during the arming sequence, before the void was evacuated to a vacuum. Prior to detonation the void was filled with pressurised tritium. There were concerns about the consequences of ejecting these glass balls into the aircraft mechanisms,(33) and concerns about the mechanical reliability of the ejection mechanisms.(34) Similar arrangements in earlier weapons had led to a weapon being in an unsafe condition in storage when the core filling escaped from the warhead onto the storage area floor. See here at Footnote 40 & 41.

    The TENDRAC UGT on 07 December 1962 was of an enlarged modified device,(35) and a declassified PRO file refers to this device having a smaller fissile core than PAMPAS, and being inherently one-point-safe.(36) It also dispensed with the mechanical safety device,(37) eliminating the doubts about the glass ball core filling, and easing the provision of a gastight fissile core. The evacuation to vacuum could then be done in the factory at assembly. Plutonium hemispheres manufactured at ROF Burghfield (38) were probably closed by welding, (although there is no direct hard evidence for this) and seated on polymeric (plastic) cushions (39) inside a gastight beryllium tamper, welded closed.(40) There is evidence in declassified files of the manufacture at Aldermaston of U-235 hemispheres,(41) which suggests that the fissile core may have been a composite one composed of two different fissile materials. The reason for this choice may have been to reduce the scarce and expensive plutonium quantity to an absolute minimum, substituting the less costly U-235. A beneficial effect for the designers was that reducing plutonium quantity assisted in acheiving one-point-safety. The Chinese demonstrated in an atmospheric test of a boosted fission device with a composite core on 18 Nov 1971 (42) that a core with as little as 2kg of plutonium and a small amount of HEU would increase the nuclear yield of the less efficient HEU by blanketing the HEU with the more energetic neutrons produced by the fission of plutonium.

    Although further changes were made, and further UGTs were done to optimise the device as a primary for Polaris after the cancellation of Skybolt and the Army's Blue Water SSM, the enlarged-Cleo device tested at TENDRAC was used as the primary for WE.177B, and alone (43) as the fission warhead PT.176 for WE.177A, remaining essentially as it was when tested at TENDRAC. Some changes may have been incorporated after the CORMORANT UGT two years later, and the so-called Economy Tests COURSER (a failure) and CHARCOAL. These later tests were not originally mounted for warhead development, but were a programme of advanced reseach unconnected with Skybolt, WE.177 and Polaris.(44) Although some use was made of them to optimise the Polaris warhead, especially in economising on fissile material,(45) they may have been too late to influence major changes to WE.177B on the eve of deployment. The principal changes from the Skybolt proposal was a reduction in fissile material used in the W-59 Skybolt thermonuclear secondary (46) to acheive a yield of approximately ½MT for WE.177B (or as much as possible given the restraints on casing size), and this change, and a similar later change for Polaris, did not directly impact on the design of the Pampas-Tendrac enlarged-Cleo design of a primary device, which could remain essentially unchanged.(47) Although weight reduction was possibly a prime concern for the Polaris version. There is no hard evidence either way.

    Thus did the UK develop a series of fission warheads all different, yet all related to the same forebears, Super Antelope and Cleo, each used for a different purpose as either a fission trigger, or a stand-alone warhead.

    • Known as Katie,(48) the design met the requirement for a gas-boosted fission primary for ZA.297(49) thermonuclear warheads used in WE.177B, to specification OR.1195, also known as Weapon X, the stop-gap strategic laydown weapon.
    • Known as Jennie,(50) the same design met the requirement for a gas-boosted fission primary for ET.317 (51) thermonuclear warheads used by the Royal Navy A3T Polaris SLBM.
    • Known as Katie A,(52) the same design met the requirement for a gas-boosted fission warhead PT.176, also known as WE.176 to specification OR.1176, for the Improved Kiloton Bomb, or WE.177A.
    • Known as Cirene,(53) a variant of the same design met the requirement for a warhead fitted in WE.177C, the medium-yield tactical thermonuclear bomb deployed by the RAF in the mid-1970's. Some were converted from existing WE.177A weapons. Others were new-build examples. This weapon most closely resembled the weapon specified in the original RAF OR.1177 specification of 1960.
    • Known as Scenic,(54) this was a variant of PT.176 that is described in declassified files as an all-oralloy Katie, meaning a version using no plutonium, but only U-235 (HEU). Nothing further is known of this variant, or its purpose. A possible explanation for it is that it may have been intended as an 'insurance policy' against problems encountered in development of PT.176, or a shortage of plutonium or other materials. However, further details are still classified, and no hard evidence as to its purpose exists.

    Footnotes

    1. TNA AIR 2/17322 E42A p1. OR 1177: improved kiloton bomb 1959-1960.  ^ up
      TNA AIR 2/17322 E42A p2. OR 1177: improved kiloton bomb 1959-1960.  ^ up
      TNA AIR 2/17322 E42A p3. OR 1177: improved kiloton bomb 1959-1960.  ^ up
      TNA AIR 2/17322 E42A p4. OR 1177: improved kiloton bomb 1959-1960.  ^ up
      TNA AIR 2/17322 E42A p5. OR 1177: improved kiloton bomb 1959-1960.  ^ up
      TNA AIR 2/17322 E42A p6. OR 1177: improved kiloton bomb 1959-1960.  ^ up
    2. TNA AIR 2/17322 E3A p1. OR 1177: improved kiloton bomb 1959-1960.  ^ up
    3. TNA AIR 2/17322 E40A p1. OR 1177: improved kiloton bomb 1959-1960.  ^ up
      TNA AIR 2/17322 E40A p2. OR 1177: improved kiloton bomb 1959-1960.  ^ up
      TNA AIR 2/17322 E40A p3. OR 1177: improved kiloton bomb 1959-1960.  ^ up
      TNA AIR 2/17322 E41A p1. OR 1177: improved kiloton bomb 1959-1960.  ^ up
      TNA AIR 2/17322 E41A p2. OR 1177: improved kiloton bomb 1959-1960.  ^ up
    4. TNA DEFE 7/2340 E1 p3 (e). Operational use of atomic weapons 1953-1955. Report by OAW Working Party staff to Chiefs of Staff Committee. "It is most important that a new type of initiator for weapons should be developed which has a longer life than the six months of the present type."  ^ up
      TNA AIR 2/13759 E8A p1 Megaton bomb (Zodiac MK 3) 1953-1954. Penney to DCAS."We are working hard to improve the service life of initiators."   ^ up
    5. TNA AIR 2/17322 E3A p1. OR 1177: improved kiloton bomb 1959-1960.  ^ up
    6. TNA AIR 2/17322 E51A p1. OR 1177: improved kiloton bomb 1959-1960.  ^ up
    7. TNA AIR 2/17322 E41b p2. OR 1177: improved kiloton bomb 1959-1960.  ^ up
    8. TNA AIR 2/18210 E63 p4. Nuclear weapons policy 1969-1970. RAF Plan R. Nimrod MPA were supplied with US weapons.  ^ up
      TNA DEFE 24/691 E28 Annex p2. Polaris, Poseidon and Holy Loch 1970-1971. Top Secret Memorandum of Understanding with the British on the use of British bases and nuclear weapons. President Johnson's letter to Prime Minister Wilson 11 Nov 1965, stating that US nuclear weapons for RAF Nimrod and Dutch Navy aircraft were stored at St Mawgan in Cornwall.  ^ up
    9. TNA AIR 2/17322 E3 p2. OR 1177: improved kiloton bomb 1959-1960.  ^ up
    10. TNA AIR 2/17327 E1A p2 & 9 fragment merged. OR 1177: improved kiloton bomb 1963.  ^ up
      TNA AIR 2/17327 E23B p10. OR 1177: improved kiloton bomb 1963.  ^ up
      TNA AIR 2/17328 E72B p1. OR 1177: improved kiloton bomb 1963.  ^ up
    11. TNA AIR 2/17322 E41B p2. OR 1177: improved kiloton bomb 1959-1960.  ^ up
    12. TNA AIR 2/17328 E62A p5. OR 1177: improved kiloton bomb 1963.  ^ up
      TNA AIR 2/17329 E22A p2. OR 1177: improved kiloton bomb 1963.  ^ up
    13. TNA AIR 2/17327 E23B p2. OR 1177: improved kiloton bomb 1963.  ^ up
      TNA AIR 2/17327 E23B p3. OR 1177: improved kiloton bomb 1963.  ^ up
    14. TNA AIR 2/17327 E23B p2. OR 1177: improved kiloton bomb 1963.  ^ up
      TNA AIR 2/17327 E23B p3. OR 1177: improved kiloton bomb 1963.  ^ up
    15. TNA AIR 2/17327 E23B p2. OR 1177: improved kiloton bomb 1963.  ^ up
    16. TNA AIR 2/17327 E62A p4. OR 1177: improved kiloton bomb 1963. JDASR GDA.15/OR.1177 final issue 16 Apr 1963. Page 4 of 14 pages.  ^ up
    17. TNA AIR 2/17327 E23B p8. OR 1177: improved kiloton bomb 1963. Hydrostats not fitted to Type B warhead.  ^ up
    18. TNA AIR 2/17327 E23B p2. OR 1177: improved kiloton bomb 1963. Radar unit replaced with ballast when used as NDB or laydown.  ^ up
    19. TNA AVIA 65/1771 E24 p2. Defence Committee on Nuclear Requirements 1959-1963.  ^ up
    20. TNA AVIA 65/1771 E24 p2. Defence Committee on Nuclear Requirements 1959-1963.  ^ up
    21. TNA AVIA 65/1771 E24 p2. Defence Committee on Nuclear Requirements 1959-1963.  ^ up
      TNA AVIA 65/1771 E24 p3. Defence Committee on Nuclear Requirements 1959-1963.  ^ up
      TNA PREM 11/3706 p1. Underground testing of UK weapons in US 1961-1962. Prime Minister's briefing papers.  ^ up
      TNA PREM 11/3706 p2. Underground testing of UK weapons in US 1961-1962. Prime Minister's briefing papers.  ^ up
      TNA PREM 11/3706 p3. Underground testing of UK weapons in US 1961-1962. Prime Minister's briefing papers.  ^ up
      TNA PREM 11/3706 p4. Underground testing of UK weapons in US 1961-1962. Prime Minister's briefing papers.  ^ up
    22. TNA AVIA 65/1771 E24 p2. Defence Committee on Nuclear Requirements 1959-1963.  ^ up
      TNA AVIA 65/1771 E24 p3. Defence Committee on Nuclear Requirements 1959-1963.  ^ up
    23. TNA PREM 11/3706 p1. Underground testing of UK weapons in US 1961-1962. Prime Minister's briefing papers.  ^ up
      TNA PREM 11/3706 p2. Underground testing of UK weapons in US 1961-1962. Prime Minister's briefing papers.  ^ up
    24. TNA AIR 2/17326 E8D p4. OR 1177: improved kiloton bomb 1963.   ^ up
      TNA AIR 2/17327 E3A p1. OR 1177: improved kiloton bomb 1963.   ^ up
      TNA DEFE 19/103. Weapons Development Committee: Nuclear Sub-Committee 1964-1966. Brief prepared by Chief Scientific Officer for incoming Prime Minister after the 1964 General Election.  ^ up
    25. TNA AIR 2/17326 E8D p1. OR 1177: improved kiloton bomb 1963.   ^ up
    26. TNA AIR 20/11515 E8. Nuclear weapon ASR 1177: handling and environmental trials.  "It is in fact the mysterious Weapon X, with which the Secretary of State comforted the Tory back-benchers after Skybolt's decease."   ^ up
    27. TNA AIR 2/17327 E23B p8. OR 1177: improved kiloton bomb 1963. Hydrostats and radar units not fitted to Type B warhead.  ^ up
    28. TNA AVIA 65/1771 E68A p3. Defence Committee on Nuclear Requirements 1959-1963.  ^ up
    29. TNA DEFE 24/389 E42 Annex Appendix 1, p2, June 1969 Mk 24 torpedo.  ^ up
    30. TNA AIR 2/18210 E14 p3. Nuclear weapons policy 1969-1970. RAF Plan R.  ^ up
    31. TNA PREM 11/3706 p1. Underground testing of UK weapons in US 1961-1962. Prime Minister's briefing papers.  ^ up
      TNA PREM 11/3706 p2. Underground testing of UK weapons in US 1961-1962. Prime Minister's briefing papers.  ^ up
    32. TNA AIR 2/17324 E41A p1. OR 1177: improved kiloton bomb 1963.   ^ up
      TNA AIR 2/17324 E47B p3. OR 1177: improved kiloton bomb 1963.   ^ up
    33. TNA AIR 2/17324 E41A p1. OR 1177: improved kiloton bomb 1963.   ^ up
      TNA AIR 2/17324 E47B p3. OR 1177: improved kiloton bomb 1963.   ^ up
    34. TNA PREM 11/3706 p2.6. Underground testing of UK weapons in US 1961-1962. Prime Minister's briefing papers.  ^ up
    35. TNA AVIA 65/1771 E24 p2. Defence Committee on Nuclear Requirements 1959-1963.  ^ up
    36. TNA PREM 11/3706 p2.7. Underground testing of UK weapons in US 1961-1962. Prime Minister's briefing papers.  ^ up
    37. TNA PREM 11/3706 p1. Underground testing of UK weapons in US 1961-1962. Prime Minister's briefing papers.  ^ up
    38. TNA PREM 11/3706 p1. Underground testing of UK weapons in US 1961-1962. Prime Minister's briefing papers.  ^ up
    39. TNA AVIA 65/1792. History of atomic weapon production 1963.   ^ up
    40. TNA DEFE 19/208 E47/2 p2 para 2.2. Ad hoc committees on Polaris improvements March 1974 - Jan 1975.   ^ up
    41. Private information via a third party.   ^ up
    42. TNA AVIA 65/1792. History of atomic weapon production 1963.   ^ up
    43. Norris, Burrows, Fieldhouse. Nuclear Weapons Databook: Vol 5: British, French and Chinese Nuclear Weapons, p352, p420. Published by The Westview Press, Oxford, 1994. ISBN 08133 16111 softback, 08133 1612X hardback.  ^ up
    44. TNA AVIA 65/1836 E49A p3. Future UK atomic weapons trials: policy 1961-1966.    ^ up
    45. TNA AVIA 65/1771 E82 p1. Defence Committee on Nuclear Requirements 1959-1963.   ^ up
      TNA AVIA 65/1771 E82 p2. Defence Committee on Nuclear Requirements 1959-1963.   ^ up
    46. TNA PREM 11/5172 MO.18/1.6. Nuclear weapons programme: requirements for fissile material 1963-1964.  ^ up
      " ... the [Nuclear Research for Defence] Committee have considered the posssibility of reducing the amount of plutonium to be used in warheads not yet fabricated. ... The most urgent and pressing case is that of the Polaris warhead. The UKEA estimate that a saving of 130 kg of plutonium could be made in the planned Polaris warhead programme, subject to satisfactory results from one UGT, ... The Committee propose that the second UGT should have this objective, ... We can leave for later consideration whether a further economy test, which might increase the plutonium saving ... to 200 kg should be carried out. ... The recommendation ... does not invalidate the claim that the British warhead for Polaris can be produced and commissioned without further test. In order to be sure of this without a test, the planned amount of plutonium has been deliberately increased beyond what was thought to be required. A test would almost certainly allow a small reduction in plutonium per warhead ... "
    47. TNA AVIA 65/1771 E24 p3. Defence Committee on Nuclear Requirements 1959-1963.  ^ up
      The savings in fissile material from the secondary referred to here were possibly reductions in the size of the 'spark-plug', usually of plutonium, and the size or thickness of the fusion casing, often, but not always or exclusively of HEU. There is no hard evidence, and none may ever be declassified, although the earlier reference at Footnote 41 to HEU hemispheres manufactured at AWRE Aldermaston could be an indicator that the fusion design may have been spherical rather than the cylinder of the classical Teller-Ulam configuration. Or the HEU hemispheres may have been part of a composite primary.
    48. TNA AVIA 65/1771 E24 p3. Defence Committee on Nuclear Requirements 1959-1963.  ^ up
    49. Dr Richard Moore, University of Southampton Mountbatten Centre for International Studies - Nuclear History Working Paper No1  ^ up
    50. Dr Richard Moore, University of Southampton Mountbatten Centre for International Studies - Nuclear History Working Paper No1  ^ up
    51. TNA ES 10/1320. Effects of neutron irradiation of JENNIE. 1966. Retained Document, Open Description, Retained by Dept under PRA Section 3.4  ^ up
      TNA ES 10/1609. Neutron heating of JENNIE. 1969. Retained Document, Open Description, Retained by Dept under PRA Section 3.4  ^ up
      and numerous others.  ^ up
    52. Dr Richard Moore, University of Southampton Mountbatten Centre for International Studies - Nuclear History Working Paper No1  ^ up
    53. TNA AVIA 65/1771 E24 p3. Defence Committee on Nuclear Requirements 1959-1963.  ^ up
      TNA DEFE 19/208 E47/2 p6 para 4.3.1. Ad hoc committees on Polaris improvements March 1974 - Jan 1975.  ^ up
    54. TNA DEFE 19/208 E47/2 p3 para 2.6. Ad hoc committees on Polaris improvements March 1974 - Jan 1975.  ^ up
    55. TNA ES 10/1675. Some calculations on Scenic, the all-oralloy KATIE. Retained Document, Open Description, Retained by Dept under PRA Sect 3.4  ^ up

    See also





















    WE.177



    Under construction.

    Improved Kiloton Bomb
    OR.1176 (fission warhead)
    OR.1177 (casing)
    OR.1178 (NDB)
    OR.1195 (thermonuclear warhead for WE.177B)
    GDA.10
    GDA.15
    Katie
    Katie A
    Simon
    Cirene
    Bomb, Aircraft, HE 600lb MC
    Bomb, Aircraft, HE 950lb MC No1
    Bomb, Aircraft, HE 950lb MC No2

    WE.177 was the last air-launched nuclear bomb deployed by the UK. There were three versions, all free-fall and parachute-retarded. Two of these versions, WE.177B and WE.177C were thermonuclear weapons. The remaining version, WE.177A was a boosted fission weapon.

    The first version to be deployed, the thermonuclear WE.177B, was delivered to the Royal Air Force in September 1966 followed by deliveries of WE.177A to the Royal Navy beginning in 1969, (1) and the RAF in 1971, after a delay caused by the need to produce the ET.317 warhead for the UK Polaris A3T first; and was followed by WE.177C deliveries to the RAF. The Navy weapons were retired by 1992 and all other weapons with the RAF were retired by 1998. (2)

    The WE.177A boosted fission weapon, deployed in 1971, was originally conceived as an Improved Kiloton Weapon to replace Red Beard, a tactical kiloton-range bomb. WE.177A was a dual-purpose weapon, being used by RAF and Royal Navy fixed-wing aircraft as a surface attack tactical bomb against land and sea surface targets. It could be delivered by several methods including low-level loft bombing. Forty-three were also deployed aboard Royal Navy surface vessels of frigate size and larger for use by embarked helicopters as an anti-submarine NDB (Nuclear Depth Bomb). (3)

    WE.177B was a stop-gap measure designed to fill a gap after the cancellation of another project, and was intended for a strategic role as described below.

    WE.177C was added later to meet a Nato requirement for a high-yield tactical bomb not exceeding 200 kt yield, also described in more detail below.

    WE.177A inert operational round at former AWRE test site, Orfordness. Photo: flicr

    Contents

  • Genesis

  •     OR.1176
  •     OR.1177
  •     TSR2 & Buccaneer
  •     GDA.10 naval requirement
  •     GDA.15 naval requirement
  •     OR.1178
  • WE.177 design antecedents
  • Construction
  • WE.177A
  • WE.177B
  • WE.177C
  • Carriage
  • Delivery
  • Paint schemes
  • Maintenance
  • Arming
  •     Safety
  •     Safeguards
  • Further development proposals
  • Falklands War
  • Retirement
  • Table of WE.177 variants
  • Quantities produced
  • Where can I see one?
  • Photo Gallery
  • References
  • Footnotes
  • See also
  • WE.177A training round aboard a Wessex naval helicopter. Photo: middlewatch
    WE.177A training round aboard a Wasp naval helicopter. Photo: middlewatch
    Road-durability testing on a Farnbrough test track. Photo: Mike Fazackerley

    Genesis

    WE.177 development began possibly as early as 1958 as a gas-boosted warhead for an Improved Kiloton Bomb and Red Beard replacement. The Red Beard bomb was heavy, large for fighter-bomber tactical aircraft to carry underwing, and the storage and handling conditions, and especially the temperature limitations, were a hindrance. Highly radioactive warhead components in the Red Beard warhead, comprising a primitive impact initiator (a neutron generator) had a life measured in months rather than years, that had to be returned to AWRE for re-lifing every six months from locations in the UK, Cyprus, Singapore and with the Fleet. The logistical issues that arose were severe, and in the replacement warhead, WE.176, this initiator arrangement was replaced with an Electronic Neutron Initiator (ENI). Red Beard was armed before take-off with no possibility to change selections in-flight, or to disarm the weapon for a return to base. A replacement was urgently sought, even before Red Beard entered service, and an Air Ministry Operational Requirement was issued as OR.1176 for the warhead, and OR.1177 for the complete weapon, in Aug 1959. The Royal Navy requirement GDA.10 was merged into OR.1176/OR.1177 as a joint requirement, and sometime later the RAF Coastal Command requirement OR.1156, for an anti-submarine nuclear depth bomb (NDB) was added, although WE.177A was subsequently never issued to RAF maritime anti-submarine patrol aircraft. They were issued with an American B-57 NDB from US Navy stocks held in Europe.

    As originally envisaged WE.177A was to be merely an Improved Kiloton Bomb to the twin specifications of OR.1176 for the boosted fission warhead, known by the designator PT.176, and OR.1177 for the complete weapon. But the early 1960's was a period of rapid change in both warhead design and delivery systems. The era of the manned high-speed, high-altitude bomber was ending with the arrival of guided missile defences and the ballistic missile, and several false starts were made in weapon choices. Efforts to extend the life of the RAF strategic bomber force resulted in the Blue Steel short-range stand-off bomb and the Skybolt programme. Skybolt was to extend the bomber's strategic role beyond the 1970's, and when cancellation came, followed by a decision to acquire Polaris, a gap appeared between 1965 and the arrival of Polaris in service at the end of the decade, when the RAF strategic bomber force was unlikely to be able to penetrate Soviet defences at high-level. A stop-gap weapon was needed that would permit the bombers to penetrate at low-level, beneath the radar, and SAM defences. That stop-gap weapon, referred to at the time occasionally as Weapon X (4) was the genesis of WE.177B to the specification OR.1195 for the complete weapon. It is not known if there was an Operational Requirement specification written for the warhead only, as had been the case with WE.177A.

    In this emergency, the Improved Kiloton Bomb, WE.177A, was put onto the back-burner, with efforts concentrated on the stop-gap WE.177B, followed by the Polaris warhead, followed by WE.177A. Deployment of WE.177B began in 1966, with WE.177A service entry delayed until 1971.

    The original warhead choice for WE.177A was an all-UK boosted fission design codenamed Una. Simultaneously, a thermonuclear warhead codenamed RE.179 was being developed for Skybolt, and this was an anglicised copy of the US W-59 warhead. The fusion secondary of the anglicised W-59 was known in the UK as Simon, and the fission primary was an anglicised US W-44 Tsetse warhead, known in the UK as Tony. There were also other delivery systems that these RE.179 components were intended for, so Una was abandoned and the RE.179 warhead components were chosen as common components for a 'family' of similar warheads. It seemed sound economics. Scientific manpower and other resources were scarce, and it made sense to standardise and reduce spares stockholdings. After Skybolt cancellation and cancellation of the Army's tactical battlefield missile Blue Water, the only remaining prospective users of RE.179 components was to be the 'stop-gap' weapon WE.177B, and the Polaris warheads, although another US design, the W-58 thermonuclear warhead was also considered and rejected for Polaris. And then another issue arose.

    The US W-44 Tsetse primary used in the US W-59 used a plastic-bonded explosive (PBX-9404) that was too shock-sensitive to comply with stringent British explosives requirements. If replaced in an anglicized version of the W-44 with a less shock-sensitive British HE, the implosion device would generate less compression at the core, and a lower yield insufficient to guarantee ignition of the fusion secondary. The British solution was to substitute a different primary based on a wholly UK design that began as Octopus, then Super Octopus and then evolving into Cleo. Declassified files (5) describe it as "a novel form of implosion", and it was tested (originally for the Skybolt warhead) underground at the Nevada Test Site as test Pampas on 01 March 1962. (6) It was the first British underground test, and its yield was 9.5kT. The design incorporated gas-boosting, a composite-core and a mechanical safing device, for the design was not inherently one-point-safe. Following Skybolt cancellation and the start of the WE.177B project there were concerns that the mechanical safety device would not be reliable, and a modified design that had a larger HE supercharge producing more compression at the core, a smaller core that was inherently one-point-safe, and dispensing with mechanical safing, was re-tested as Tendrac on 07 Dec 1962. (7) This device became the WE.177B primary known as Katie. The secondary, derived from RE.179 (itself an anglicised copy of the US W-59) was codenamed Simon, and the complete WE.177B warhead was codenamed ZA297. A similar primary was adopted for the Polaris warheads then being designed, using scaled-down components derived from the RE.179 and WE.177B warheads. The tests that followed Tendrac were concerned only with the Polaris variant, and were also known as the Polaris Economy Tests, because their objective was to economise on the scarce and expensive plutonium used in both their fissile cores and as a thermonuclear 'spark-plug'. Though it is reasonable to conclude that there were spin-offs and beneficial effects for the same basic design used in all versions of WE.177.

    Other versions of Katie emerged later. Katie A also known as PT.176, is identified in declassified files with WE.177A. Scenic (8) is decribed as an all-oralloy Katie. Oralloy being a term used to describe weapons-grade U-235. So there was a version of Katie that used no plutonium, although nothing is known of this version's purpose.

    WE.177 design antecedents

    In the early 1990's some writers asserted that the WE.177A design was based on the US B57 bomb, (9) which was of a similar size, weight, yield and purpose, and that speculation has been widely repeated elsewhere. The B57 also functioned as a NDB, and it used the W-44 Tsetse/Tony boosted fission warhead rejected by the British for their RE.179 primary. It is also true that the British had access to its design and planned to manufacture it in the UK for various purposes. However, since the early 1990's, many secret files have been declassified, and these make it clear that the claims about a common design were merely speculation and wrong. The original Naval Staff Requirement, GDA.10 incorporated into OR.1177 makes clear from the outset in 1960, that the Navy required a bomb with three yields of ½kt, 2kt and 10kt, that was lighter and smaller than the RAF requirement, and at a max weight of 550 lbs very similar to the US B57; and the B57 was indeed studied closely.

    Declassified records released in 2008 (10) shows that the B57 was rejected as unsuitable. The UK Ordnance Board (the safety authority) was unimpressed with the shock-sensitivity of the PBX-9404 used in the B57's W-44 warhead. The Ordnance Board , RAE Farnborough and the Navy required considerable redesign of several arming systems to comply with British safe practice, in particular the methods used to control radioactive tritium, and make inadvertent operation of the tritium valve impossible, from fire or other causes, eg. electromagnetic radiation. (11) The RAF and Navy also required a hydrostatic system of detonation at a predetermined water depth. The B57 design relied upon a timer to detonate that was unable to determine depth, or if the weapon had grounded on a shallow sea floor. The B57 also required modification to permit all the delivery and flight profiles required by the Navy. Redesign was expected to be costly and time consuming as compared to developing a new weapon using the studies already done on OR.1177, while a warhead capsule to OR.1176 was already well advanced.

    Some writers made the assertion (9) that because the British conducted so few full-scale nuclear tests, WE.177 was unlikely to be an indigenous design. That it must, by a curious extension of that opinion, be an American design, the closest being the B57, while failing to understand that the WE.177 fission element was one of a 'family' of designs, deliberately similar, intended to produce a 'common design', usable with only minor changes, in a variety of applications from Skybolt, Polaris, Blue Water and WE.177. As it indeed was, and so a single series of only four full-scale underground nuclear tests were necessary, plus one failed test. (12) There were four other [nuclear] 'effects' tests conducted in the US, and numerous non-nuclear 'scaled' tests in the UK. Hardly a small testing programme for a single fission device. In fairness to those writers, it may not have been so apparent then as now, after numerous declassifications of archived documents.

    Such speculation also fails to take into account the cultural and financial differences between the US and British nuclear programmes. The early US programme was over-reliant on full-scale testing because of the extreme urgency attached to its very large programme. There are instances of poor design directly attributable to a poorer theoretical understanding of the physics, and an empirical design approach. (13) The fission primary of the W-28 being one example of design flaws attributable to an imperfect theoretical understanding. (14) On the other hand, the British, with fewer resources, and always short of cash, employed their meagre resources to better effect, with a better understanding of the theory that underpinned their efforts. They also benefitted from the shared US test data, as the US benefitted from equally valuable British know-how. That shared know-how, coupled with British experience and greater theoretical understanding was one factor that contributed to an American desire to complete the 1958 Bilateral, or Mutual Defence Agreement. The US understood that they had much to gain from the British, as the British also gained. It was a shared experience, not a one-way street.

    Construction

    WE.176 and the WE.177A weapon it was originally intended for, differed in one principal respect from the earlier weapon it replaced. Red Beard like similar early British and US weapons had a first generation spherical implosion device that used a removable fissile core that could be stored separately from the high-explosive components, with the fissile core inserted into the weapon at the last possible moment, either in-flight by mechanical loading devices (IFL) or on the ground immediately before take-off (LML). These arrangements were thought to enhance the safety of what were very complicated, yet primitive devices, that mishandled would have devastating consequences. Storing the fissile core separately from the HE, detonators and an electrical power supply was merely an extension of the age-old good practice of storing fuzes or detonators well away from the main explosive charge. But primitive as the first generation nuclear weapons were, they were still very complex devices, and Service personnel had little practical experience of performing delicate servicing and assembly operations on equipment so complicated and so demanding of precision. The successor to Red Beard was expected to minimise these operational difficulties, and also produce a similar nuclear yield from a smaller and lighter package. The methods needed to achieve this end, required greater precision in manufacture, all the neccessary equipment permanently installed in a self-contained package to be serviced only by the manufacturer's specialist workers, and less involvement by Service personnel. Additionally, the Improved Kiloton Bomb had to meet the new tougher requirements of transonic and supersonic flight, and new methods of delivery, including laydown, which could be described as a controlled crash-landing, where the deceleration from supersonic speeds whilst still airborne could be as stressful as ground contact.

    The WE.176 replacement warhead was engineered rather differently. The first draft of the specification OR.1177 called for the weapon to be supplied, stored and transported in several main sections (nose with radar elements, centrebody, tail, and warhead capsule). It had been hoped that the warhead capsule itself could be transferred between different weapons as and when operations required. For example: it was envisaged that a warhead capsule might be transferred between a bomb and another delivery vehicle, eg. an air-defence missile, an anti-submarine missile, or a submarine torpedo. This arrangement was quickly seen to be impractical if other operational requirements were to be met, and a self-contained warhead enclosed in a shock-resistant capsule was installed in the fully assembled bomb casing at manufacture, and was issued to the Service in that state, installed in a non-air-conditioned storage container. It required no servicing or assembly operations by the Service user other than periodic checks for gas leakage and routine checks of the electrical systems.

    After a decision to reject the use of the US W-44 Tsetse primary originally proposed because of concerns about the shock-sensitivity of the PBX-9404 HE used, a UK-designed primary was substituted. This was based on a design originating with a UK device named Super Octopus, that was later developed into the Cleo design. An enlarged Cleo was adopted for use in the primary for the warhead for Skybolt, the thermonuclear bomb to OR.1177 (then to be much larger than WE.177A), and a primary for the Blue Water SSM for the Army. Skybolt had the greater priority at this time, and the PAMPAS UGT detonated 01 March 1962 has been attributed to the Skybolt warhead development program, although its use was always envisaged for these other weapons. The Royal Navy GDA.10 requirement for a small bomb that led to WE.177A was not yet not approved.

    PRO declassified files provide hard evidence that the Cleo device tested at Pampas UGT was not one-point-safe. It used a mechanical safety device consisting of a core filling of two litres of five micron diameter glass balls that were to be ejected during the arming sequence, before the void was evacuated to a vacuum. Prior to detonation the void was filled with pressurised tritium. There were concerns about the consequences of ejecting these glass balls into the aircraft mechanisms, and concerns about the mechanical reliability of the ejection mechanisms. Similar arrangements in earlier weapons had led to a weapon being in an unsafe condition in storage when the core filling escaped from the warhead onto the storage area floor. See here at Footnote 40 & 41.

    The TENDRAC UGT on 07 December 1962 was of an enlarged modified device, and a declassified PRO file refers to this device having a smaller fissile core than PAMPAS, and being inherently one-point-safe. It also dispensed with the mechanical safety device, eliminating the doubts about the glass ball core filling, and easing the provision of a gastight fissile core. The evacuation to vacuum could then be done in the factory at assembly. The plutonium hemispheres manufactured at Aldermaston were probably closed by welding, (although there is no direct hard evidence for this) and seated on polymeric (plastic) cushions inside a gastight beryllium tamper, welded closed. There is evidence in declassified files of the manufacture at ROF Cardiff of U-235 hemispheres, which suggests that the fissile core may have been a composite one composed of two different fissile materials. The reason for this choice may have been to reduce the scarce and expensive plutonium quantity to an absolute minimum, substituting the less costly U-235. A beneficial effect for the designers was that reducing plutonium quantity assisted in acheiving one-point-safety. The Chinese demonstrated in an atmospheric test of a boosted fission device with a composite core on 18 Nov 1971 that a core with as little as 2kg of plutonium and a small amount of HEU would increase the nuclear yield of the less efficient HEU by blanketing the HEU with the more energetic neutrons produced by the fission of plutonium.

    Although further changes were made, and further UGTs were done to optimise the device as a primary for Polaris after the cancellation of Skybolt and the Army's Blue Water SSM, the enlarged-Cleo device tested at TENDRAC was used as the primary for WE.177B, and alone as the fission warhead PT.176 for WE.177A, remaining essentially as it was when tested at TENDRAC. Some changes may have been incorporated after the CORMORANT UGT two years later, and the so-called Economy Tests COURSER (a failure) and CHARCOAL. These later tests were not originally mounted for warhead development, but were a programme of advanced reseach unconnected with Skybolt, WE.177 and Polaris, although some use of them was made to optimise the Polaris warhead, especially in economising on fissile material, they may have been too late to influence major changes on the eve of WE.177B deployment. The principal changes from the Skybolt proposal was a reduction in fissile material used in the W-59 Skybolt thermonuclear secondary to acheive a yield of approximately ½MT for WE.177B (or as much as possible given the restraints on casing size), and this change, and a similar later change for Polaris, did not directly impact on the design of the Pampas-Tendrac enlarged-Cleo design of a primary device, which could remain essentially unchanged. Although weight reduction was possibly a prime concern for the Polaris version. There is no hard evidence either way.

    The life-limiting factor was the radioactive tritium gas used in the warhead, which decays at a known rate, and was specified to be replaced at three-year intervals initially. All other components were designed to match that expected three-year life, and the entire weapon was returned to the manufacturer at that interval, when all routine servicing was done. This practice has been the norm for all subsequent nuclear warheads.

    The armoured, shock-resistant warhead capsule contained an independent power supply and all the equipment needed for the warhead to function to detonation after a hard landing on the ground or in water in what is termed a 'laydown' delivery. The warhead capsule was protected by the shock-absorbing qualities of the nose and tail, and the after part of the centre section. The equipment housed in these sections was no longer required after laydown. The tail was said to 'slap-down' on landing, and in doing so absorbs some of the landing shocks, protecting the armoured warhead capsule, itself secured inside a forged high-strength aluminium alloy centre section casing.

    The warhead capsule was gas pressurised and watertight to 2'000 ft water depth. The rear centre section casing, the tail section and the nose section flooded after landing in water, with the parachutes being detached by an explosive cutter to ensure a rapid sink rate when used as a NDB. The radar-transparent ceramic nosecone was not needed for the laydown delivery onto land or water and was jettisoned by a small explosive charge immediately after aircraft release. The resulting flat nose shape helped the weapon to enter the water cleanly without porpoising, and performed a similar function on flat ground, where a lengthy slide was not desired.

    WE.177A

    WE.177A weighed 282 kg (620 lb), with a selectable yield of 10 kT and 0.5 kT. This was a boosted fission weapon. The 0.5 kT yield was used only in the NDB role for detonation below 140 ft (43 m) in shallow coastal waters or in oceanic deep waters below 350 ft (107 m) to limit damage to nearby shipping. The full 10 kT yield was used only below 350 ft (107 m) in deep oceanic waters where no shipping was at risk (15) and the low yield was selected automatically where the water depth did not exceed 350 ft.

    The full 10 kT yield was used by fixed wing aircraft for surface attack. It had airburst, ground burst or laydown options. Although this variant most closely matched the original GDA.10 naval requirement and was identified as the 'A' model, it was not the first to be deployed. Development was purposely delayed when the Skybolt ALBM was cancelled. Revised priority was then given to a bomb intended to extend the life (in a strategic role) of the Vulcan bomber force. This stopgap weapon was WE.177B, also known as Weapon X, a thermonuclear parachute-retarded free-fall bomb based on a lengthened WE.177A casing, using as a thermonuclear primary the intended warhead for WE.177A. This primary was known as KATIE in WE.177B. and as KATIE A in WE.177A.

    Twenty WE.177A bombs were transferred to the RAF from the Royal Navy when the large carriers were decommissioned, and the remaining 43 weapons that were assigned to the Navy's helicopters were retired in 1992. These were also capable of use by Sea Harriers. It was known to the Armed Services as 'Bomb, Aircraft, HE 600 lb MC'. In this service jargon MC (Medium Capacity) referred to a nuclear weapon in the kiloton range. The suffix HC (High Capacity) referred to a weapon in the megaton range, although there were some anomalies. The twenty weapons transferred to the RAF were in fact still deployed on Buccanneer aircraft tasked for the maritime strike role, and assigned to SACLANT, as they were when carrier-borne.

    WE.177A anti-submarine weapons were deployed afloat by the Royal Navy for use by embarked helicopters. They were never deployed by the RAF aboard their maritime anti-submarine aircraft. RAF Nimrods based in the UK were equipped with US B-57 weapons drawn from NATO stocks maintained in the UK at RAF St Mawgan for RAF and Dutch Navy maritime aircraft. (16) Nimrod aircraft based in the Mediterranean and assigned to SACEUR were also equipped with US B-57 weapons maintained in a US Navy stockpile at Signorella in Sicily. Although it was intended to issue 72 WE.177A weapons plus 7 reserves, totalling 79 (17) to all Nimrod squadrons and the 'shadow squadron' (an operational training unit in its peacetime role) (18) there were never enough WE.177A weapons in British stockpiles to permit implementation of those plans. Nimrods were configured to carry two WE.177A weapons, although the B-57 weapons assigned from US stockpiles totalled only 36, sufficient for only one per aircraft. UK-based Nimrods were assigned to SACLANT for use in the Atlantic area, and Cyprus and Malta-based aircraft were assigned to SACEUR and in support of CENTO for use in the Mediterranean. Use of the American B-57 NDB was limited to the Atlantic and Mediterranean areas. Nimrod squadrons were ocasionally rotated to Singapore without nuclear weapons, a limitation on operational flexibility that WE.177A NDBs would not have suffered.


    WE.177B

    WE.177B weighed 457 kg (1'007.5 lb), with a single yield of 450 kT. Although it weighed in excess of 1'000 lb it was known to the Armed Services as Bomb, Aircraft, HE 950 lb MC No.1.

    WE.177B had a thermonuclear warhead, comprising two parts. The primary was KATIE referred to above, but without the variable yield facility or the NDB's hydrostatic fuse. KATIE was based on a British design known as CLEO, earlier known as Super Octopus, intended as the thermonuclear primary for RE.179, a British warhead for the RAF version of the cancelled Skybolt air-launched ballistic missile. The secondary (or fusion element) of RE.179 was based on the US W-59 warhead and was known by the British codename of SIMON. However, the W-59 primary used PBX-9404, a plastic-bonded-explosive, considered by the British to be unsafe. The US W-44 primary was replaced with a British primary developed from CLEO, that evolved into KATIE, that did not use the shock-sensitive PBX-9404. When Skybolt was cancelled the fusion secondary of RE.179 was adapted with KATIE to become WE.177B (also referred to as Weapon X) and in a smaller version, the British ET.317 warhead for the Royal Navy's Polaris A3T.

    WE.177B and carrier, awaiting aircraft loading at RAF Marham. Photo: Leitch.

    WE.177B had airburst, impact, ground laydown and water laydown options. Roughly, 'laydown' can be taken to mean a ground burst or a sea surface burst with a time delay after a relatively soft parachute retarded landing, enabling the bomber to escape the detonation. The nose and tail sections absorbed much of the energy, with the equipment in those sections being redundant after touch-down. The warhead in the toughened centre section survived the crash-landing unscathed. Priority was given to the laydown option for the Vulcan bombers, and the first nine examples deployed had no other option than laydown delivery. These nine weapons were recalled for early refurbishment when radar and other delayed equipment was retrofitted. The WE.177B programme was completed by September 1967.

    Numbers built are still uncertain but reliable sources put the figure at 53. (19) Skybolt warheads ordered numbered 90 (20) and at cancellation this was the RAF requirement for WE.177B, although this quantity was reduced later. When Polaris became operational with the Royal Navy, the RAF bomber force continued in a tactical role with these and other bombs. With the conversion of the Victor bombers to fuel-tankers and retirement of the Vulcan bombers, WE.177B was carried by successor aircraft, including RAF Tornados. All WE.177B were retired by August 1998.

    WE.177C

    WE.177C weighed 457 kg (1'007.5 lb), with a single yield of 190 kt. (21) It was deployed only by RAF Germany in the tactical strike role, and used by Buccaneer, Jaguar and Tornado strike aircraft. It was developed to meet a NATO committment to arm RAF Germany strike aircraft with weapons of a maximum 200kt yield for use at the forward-edge-of-the- battlefield. An agreed NATO policy was to limit such weapons to 200kt, and WE.177B (designed for a strategic strike role) was too large at 450kt, and WE.177A was too small at 10 kt. It is known from declassified archives that WE.177C was intended to replace the US supplied weapons assigned to Canberra and Phantom tactical strike aircraft of RAFG when they were replaced by Buccaneer and Jaguar tactical strike aircraft. These US B-43 weapons were of 130 kt yield (22) and believed to be the Y4 variant. (23)

    Military doctrine in NATO was changing, and by the mid-1970s there was a requirement to replace the obsolete Honest John nuclear-armed missile deployed by the British and other NATO armies. Honest John had a range of 35 km (22 miles) (24) and its replacement, the Lance missile rather more at 125 km (80 miles). (25) Lance had selectable yields between ½ kt and 50kt. (26) Nuclear artillery with much smaller yields between 0.1 kt and 10 kt provided battlefield nuclear supporting fire up to 14 km (9 miles) (27) and aircraft were assigned the task of attacking more distant targets beyond the forward edge of the battlefield in enemy rear areas. A weapon with greater yield than Lance and WE.177A was required for this task, and SACEUR wanted a higher yield than the 130 kt provided by the US weapons assigned to Canberra and Phantom aircraft. The Canberra was obsolete and the Phantom was scheduled to be re-assigned to other duties with the withdrawal of their US weapons. The Canberras were replaced by Buccaneers, the F4 Phantoms were replaced by Jaguars and augmented later with the Tornado. The Buccaneer aircraft were equipped to carry two WE.177A or WE.177B weapons (28) and no changes were needed to carry two WE.177C weapons, whereas to carry US weapons, expensive modifications were needed. British-owned replacements for these US weapons had operational military advantages (29) and were believed to confer political benefits, (30) demonstrating to allies and potential enemies a determination by the British government to support Nato nuclear strategy, rather than rely wholly on the United States to supply dual-key weapons. In the early 1970's, the British government was negotiating to join the European Union, and wished to reassure France in particular about reliance on US supplied weapons. These numerous contributing factors were a part of the genesis of WE.177C.

    WE.177C was deployed from the mid-1970's (31) to co-incide with the introduction into service of the Buccaneer and Jaguar aircraft, and before deployment of Chevaline had begun. The design history of both WE.177C and Chevaline are intertwined.

    The fission primary of ET.317, the fission primary of the first Polaris warhead was codenamed Jennie. It was derived from the Super Octopus-Cleo-Katie lineage used in WE.177A and WE.177B, and used in Polaris was believed vulnerable to Soviet ABMs and scrapped, although the similar Katie fission devices used in WE.177A and WE.177B were in different operational environments where they were not vulnerable to ABM defences.

    The fusion secondary of ET.317, codenamed Reggie, was derived from the W-59-RE.179 secondary lineage, and named Simon in WE.177B. As used in Polaris A3T, Reggie was a downsized version of Simon, and was salvaged and re-used in the Chevaline warhead with a newly designed super-hardened primary. However, there were three warheads on each Polaris missile, but only two on its successor, Chevaline. The one-in-three spare Reggie secondaries were then salvaged and re-used as the secondaries for WE.177C, matched with a 'converted' Katie A as the primary. (32) The 'conversion' (MoD description) probably entailed removal of the variable yield equipment and hydrostatic fusing. This primary and secondary were then installed in a casing identical to the WE.177B casing and ballasted to have similar weight and ballistic properties, intended to minimise development time and cost. However, another codename, Cirene, previously not used, appeared in declassified files in connection with Simon, Reggie, and WE.177A weapons 'converted' to WE.177C format. (33) The function of Cirene is not known. However, a reasonable deduction is that the 'converted' warheads from WE.177A were re-named Cirene, a female name, as were Katie, Cleo, etc. All known fission warheads appear at that time with female names, and all known secondaries appear with male names, so a reasonable deduction is that Cirene was a fission primary for WE.177C, converted from Katie A.

    This combination of a Katie A primary from WE.177A and a Reggie secondary salvaged from Polaris/ET.317 produced a yield of 190kT in WE.177C. Almost identical to the 200kT yield of the ET.317 warhead of Polaris. Co-incidentally, the government of the day had pledged in their election manifesto that they would build "no new nuclear weapons". With some examples of WE.177C being partly composed of salvaged components, astute collectors of Westminster politician's weasel words will focus on the word "new".

    WE.177C was retired by August 1998. Numbers are speculative, but based on hard evidence in declassified files, the number of spare secondaries after dismantling of Polaris war-ready warheads, plus spares from the servicing and supply chain produces a figure of 63, and this is the likely initial quantities of WE.177C. It is known from declassified files that the Navy at this time had four boatloads of Polaris missiles and warheads, plus approximately 15% spares in the supply and servicing chain, totalling 74 tactical (war-ready) missiles. (34) with 222 warheads. The Navy then reduced their stockpile to three tactical outloads plus spares totalling approx 53 missiles and 159 warheads. (35) So approximately 63 warheads were surplus, and their secondaries were available for re-use in Chevaline (two per missile) and one in WE.177C; the fission primaries being dismantled and the fissile material recycled into new primaries for Chevaline. Although the number of WE.177A primaries available for 'conversion' to WE.177C may have been a limiting factor. There is as yet, no hard evidence. There is other evidence that RAF orders for WE.177A weapons for delivery after the RAF's initial order for 44 WE.177A weapons were converted into orders for WE.177C. RAF Plan R figures shown in the table below show that total RAF orders would be for 157 WE.177C weapons.

    Other calculations derived from declassified records of the numbers of weapons assigned to the known numbers of aircraft, plus spares, produce similar overall numbers of weapons. It is known that RAF Germany Buccaneer aircraft assigned to SACEUR were each configured to carry two WE.177C weapons. (36) Jaguar aircraft were configured to carry only one. Tornado aircraft were similarly configured. Overall, considering all three variants of WE.177, there were fewer weapons than aircraft, because RAF staff officers calculated that some aircraft would be lost in the conventional phase of the air war before tactical nuclear weapon release was authorised. Planners sought to hold back enough aircraft from the conventional phase to ensure that their stock of nuclear weapons could be delivered by those survivors. (37) For that reason, Jaguar aircraft were assigned fewer nuclear weapons (0.6 weapons per aircraft) because based on their planned usage, RAF planners believed that the Jaguar squadrons would suffer higher attrition in a conventional air war. (38)

    This illustrates what WE.177C might do.

    This 390m dia x 98m deep Storax/Sedan crater in Nevada was created by a ground-burst device of 104kT, - half the yield of WE.177C.

    Note the dimensions of the viewing platform.
    Dominic-Sunset test at Christmas Island of the US W-59 warhead that WE.177B and WE.177C were derived from.

    Airburst was at 5'000ft and yield was 1MT. The device measured diameter: 15.57, length: 39.83 in, weight: 543 lbs. The date was 10 July 1962, and local time in Hawaii was 05.33am which accounts for the night-time appearance.

    Sunset was the final and most successful test of the W-59. The three previous tests, Alma, Questa and Rinconda were less successful and their yields were below expectation at 782kT, 670kT, and 800kT respectively.

    Carriage

    Although Victor B2 bombers were intended to carry WE.177B until Polaris became operational, the successful trials of low-level launches of Blue Steel made that unnecessary, and WE.177B was never deployed on the Victor bomber.

    Type A, B and C weapons were carried by RAF strike aircraft comprising the Vulcan, Buccaneer, Jaguar, Tornado, and also the Royal Navy's Sea Harrier FRS.1. Seven Vulcan squadrons were operational with WE.177 in 1970 and 1971, and six squadrons from 1972-81. Seven squadrons of Jaguars were declared operational with WE.177 between 1977-80, and six squadrons for a longer period. Five RAF Buccaneer squadrons plus one Royal Navy squadron were declared operational with WE.177 from 1975-78, and 1980, with a lesser number for a longer period. Ten Tornado squadrons equipped with various versions of WE.177 were operational from 1986-91, with a lesser number for a longer period. Squadron numbers varied with the production of weapons and the phasing in and out of aircraft types, building from six squadrons in 1966 to a high point of nineteen squadrons in 1977-78. Although photographs exist of RAF ground-attack Harriers carrying WE.177, and clearance was required for the Harrier by OR.1177, there is no evidence that any RAF Harrier squadron was deployed with this weapon.

    Squadrons equipped and declared operational with WE.177 were numbered:

    6,  9,  12,  14,  15,  16,  17,  20,  27,  31,  35,  44,  45,  50,  54,  101,  208,  216,  617,
    800 NAS (Naval Air Squadron),
    809 NAS (Naval Air Squadron),
    226 OCU (RAF shadow squadron),
    237 OCU (RAF shadow squadron),
    The two shadow units were dual-role training units (Operational Conversion Units) that reverted to operational duties, assigned to SACEUR in a European tactical nuclear war. One was a Buccaneer unit, one was a Jaguar unit. More precise data with squadron identities and basing can be seen using the links below. The Royal Navy's helicopter squadrons are omitted since basing of single helicopters embarked on numerous small escort ships is difficult to collate reliably.

    1966  Vulcan @ Waddington, Cottesmore.
    1967  Vulcan @ Waddington, Cottesmore.
    1968  Vulcan @ Waddington, Cottesmore.
    1969  Vulcan @ Waddington, Akrotiri.
    1970  Vulcan, Buccaneer @ Waddington, Akrotiri, Scampton, Honington, HMS Eagle.
    1971  Vulcan, Buccaneer @ Waddington, Akrotiri, Scampton, Honington, Laarbruch, HMS Ark Royal, Eagle.
    1972  Vulcan, Buccaneer @ Waddington, Akrotiri, Scampton, Honington, Laarbruch, HMS Ark Royal.
    1973  Vulcan, Buccaneer @ Waddington, Akrotiri, Scampton, Honington, Laarbruch, HMS Ark Royal.
    1974  Vulcan, Buccaneer @ Waddington, Akrotiri, Scampton, Honington, Laarbruch, HMS Ark Royal.
    1975  Vulcan, Bucc, Jaguar @ Waddington, Scampton, Honington, Laarbruch, Lossiemouth, Coltishall, Ark Royal.
    1976  Vulcan, Bucc, Jaguar @ Waddington, Scampton, Honington, Laarbruch, Lossiemouth, Coltishall, Bruggen, Ark.
    1977  Ditto.
    1978  Ditto.
    1979  Vulcan, Bucc, Jaguar @ Waddington, Scampton, Honington, Laarbruch, Lossiemouth, Coltishall, Bruggen.
    1980  Ditto.
    1981  Ditto.
    1982  Vulcan, Bucc, Jaguar @ Waddington, Honington, Laarbruch, Lossiemouth, Coltishall, Bruggen.
    1983  Buccaneer, Jaguar, Tornado @ Honington, Laarbruch, Lossiemouth, Coltishall, Bruggen, Marham.
    1984  Ditto.
    1985  Ditto.
    1986  Ditto.
    1987-91  Ditto.
    1992  Ditto.
    1993  Buccaneer, Jaguar, Tornado @ Honington, Lossiemouth, Coltishall, Bruggen, Marham.
    1994  Buccaneer, Jaguar, Tornado @ Lossiemouth, Coltishall, Bruggen, Marham.





    RAF Harrier loaded with an inert WE.177A training round. Photo: Hack Green/MoD













    Royal Navy Sea Harrier FRS Mk.1 strike aircraft carried WE.177A slung beneath the starboard wing, and carrier-borne Royal Navy and RAF shore-based Buccaneer strike aircraft carried two WE.177A weapons internally. Although never issued with WE.177B weapons, the Buccaneers were equipped to carry them and WE.177C, although there is no hard evidence that WE.177C was issued to RAF Buccaneer squadrons. In the anti-submarine role, Royal Navy Wasp, Wessex, Lynx and Sea King embarked helicopters were configured to deliver WE.177A. The Wasp, and Lynx helicopters were embarked on frigates and destroyers, with the larger Wessex and Sea Kings aboard carriers. Significant numbers were stored aboard RFA fleet supply ships which could also operate the larger helicopters.

    Delivery

    All versions of WE.177 had air-burst capability, as evidenced by the white translucent window in the nose of the bomb, which housed a radar altimeter, and all versions had a back-up ground-burst-on-impact capability as insurance against failure to detonate the airburst. All versions had a selectable ground-burst capability when a ground-burst was required. A laydown capability was also available (a soft landing followed by a time delayed ground burst). In addition, a laydown capability in water was provided to attack sea surface targets. For this, a soft landing followed by parachute detachment at splashdown facilitated sinking, followed by a short time delay and an underwater burst.

    In the anti-submarine role WE.177A functioned as a depth bomb. For delivery by helicopter, the drogue gun was removed and the parachutes were activated by a lanyard. The parachutes detached at slashdown to assist rapid sinking. The nose section, the rear centrebody section and the tail flooded with seawater. Only the pressurized warhead and arming unit section remained watertight. Sink rate was approximately 20 feet per second. The two NDB yields were necessary because even in deep oceanic water the full yield of 10kt would sometimes risk damaging nearby friendly shipping, and a reduced yield was also required for use in shallow coastal waters. Detonation was by duplicated hydrostatic fuzes, unlike the US B-57 NDB which used a preset timing device. Although never deployed on Nimrod maritime aircraft, it was intended that low-level release from these aircraft (and the proposed Brequet Atlantic interim maritime aircraft) would be at low speeds and heights of approx 150 knots and 1'000 ft. In these conditions, the drogue gun was to be removed and replaced by a lanyard and an auxiliary parachute pack derived from the US Mk-44 air-launched torpedo.


    Click here for delivery method illustrations.

    Click here for animation of carriage and release by Buccaneer S2.




    Paint Schemes

    Several paint-schemes are known to have been used on WE.177. For live operational rounds of both Type A and Type B, an overall white with orange and yellow bands was used (early paint-scheme from the 1960s). The Royal Navy also used a similar scheme, although there may have been minor differences. When both Services adopted a NATO standard colour scheme in the 1970's an overall olive green was used, with the appropriate markings. Drill weapons, or training rounds used by the RAF for loading and flight drills were a dark Oxford blue. The Royal Navy used overall white with a variety of black markings, until both Services later adopted a NATO standard olive green for training rounds, possibly in the late 1970's. Most of the examples of WE.177 training rounds in museums use this olive green paint scheme. The entry-into-service of the Type C weapon was much later than the others, and there is no hard evidence that this weapon used the earlier paint schemes of overall white and overall blue.

    Click here for WE.177A paint schemes.

    Click here for WE.177B paint schemes.

    Cockpit nuclear bomb release panel in a Buccaneer S2. This aircraft was configured to carry two WE.177 bombs internally. Aircraft carrying only one weapon used a similar panel. Click-on for parts index. Drawing: Brian Burnell.

    Safety and Maintenance

    The PT.176 fission warhead was inherently 'one-point-safe', (39) A mechanical safing apparatus was originally believed necessary after the Pampas test, but an enlarged HE supercharge tested at Tendrac permitted a smaller, inherently one-point-safe fissile core to be used. Although there is no hard documentary evidence of a smaller core, evidence of the larger supercharge and its purpose can now be found in declassified files. (40)

    To maintain optimum yield all versions of WE.177 required servicing at intervals of three years or slightly more. The fully-sealed warhead was not designed to be serviced in-the-field by the user and was the first British-designed weapon to adopt the US practice of returning the weapon to the manufacturer for service, although some limited tests of elecrical circuits were done by Service personnel using a simple test set plugged into the test socket on the Ground Control Unit panel. Tests were also done to monitor warhead capsule air pressure, and topping-up could be done with a bottled supply. Persistant leakage resulted in a weapon being declared unserviceable, and returned to the manufacturer.

    As with all British thermonuclear weapons, the tritium gas used in the bomb core was purchased from the United States as part of the 1958 US-UK Mutual Defence Agreement that permitted the US to obtain UK weapons-grade plutonium in exchange for enriched uranium, tritium, and other specialised material uneconomical to produce in the UK in the very small quantities required. A plant codenamed CANDLE (41) located at Chapelcross nuclear power station, Scotland, was built to recover tritium from time-expired service weapons returned for servicing. The tritium was then re-cycled after re-lifing. All gas-boosted fission weapons use tritium. It decays, gradually reducing the designed fission yield by approx 4.4% per year. Reduction in the fission yield of a primary will reduce the thermonuclear yield by a similar proportion, or even lead to the thermonuclear fusion stage failing to ignite.

    There is no hard evidence or published sources that can positively confirm that the weapon had a facility to detect unauthorised interference. Some writers assert that the thermal batteries could be activated to 'fry' the circuitry if it detected unauthorised interference, although there is no hard evidence or published sources that can positively confirm these assertions. RAF concerns were to ensure isolation of all electrical power prior to a positive decision to arm the weapon, and their concerns about inadvertent activation of the thermal battery power are well-documented.

    Arming

    The safety and arming system on the WE.177 series was a simple key operated Strike Enable Facility using a cylindrical barrel key, pictured below. The location for the key was the lower-right keyhole labelled SEF on the Ground Control Unit pictured below left.

              Only one key was needed to activate the weapon preparatory to a strike.
                There was no dual key system manned by two keyholders.
                There were no secret code numbers or secret code words.
                  There was only one officer holding one key.

    After activation with the single key, the only further human input required in the arming sequence was for bomb release by the aircraft pilot. The remainder of the arming sequence followed automatically as the electrical snatch plugs and the two (duplicated) lanyards disengaged, the velocity sensors deployed, and the speed rose above the theshold of approximately 120 knots. A weapon falling off the back of a truck would not reach that speed, and therefore couldn't arm itself. Several other safety breaks were incorporated into the arming and fuzing circuits to prevent accidental or deliberate nuclear detonation, or detonation of the HE. First, the pilot must select the weapon from the cockpit (some aircraft carried more than one weapon). Secondly, the weapon's electrical snatch plugs must detach and four physical lanyards must pull out locking pins as the weapon falls away, to activate the weapon's own power supplies. Thirdly, two velocity sensors must deploy and signal that the weapon has reached the required velocity. These activate an arming switch which must connect power supplies to the radar fuzes, laydown time delays, or hydrostatic fuzes. There were also saltwater sensors for use in the water laydown and NDB roles. All these safety breaks must function correctly to detonate the weapon. Failure at any stage will prevent detonation. The operation of the arming and fuzing systems for various delivery methods is illustrated here.

    Weapon activation could only be done by the keyholder, on the ground, before flight. In flight, the only action needed, was to release the weapon. The aircraft pilot could change some of the release characteristics from a cockpit panel to take account of changing operational conditions (to release at an alternative height or speed or attack a different type of target), but the pilot could not activate the weapon from the cockpit.

    There were some minor differences in the aircraft release mechanisms for release from maritime patrol aircraft and helicopters when used in the NDB role, where the drogue parachute gun and velocity sensors were removed and disabled respectively. Instead, the parachutes were deployed by a lanyard attached to the aircraft, water sensors activated at splashdown and the hydrostatic pressure switches came into play at the required water depth. The same safeguards were used in flight preparation, with weapon activation only possible by the keyholder on the ground before flight.

    The Ground Control Unit (GCU) where the burst height, time delays and other conditions were set, and the weapon enabled before flight. The lower grey image shows the original GCU design before the addition of the enabling SEF lock. The monitor test plug was later moved to the left. Click for full-size tagged image. Drawn: Brian Burnell.

    Safeguards

    At the time WE.177 was designed, no British weapon was designed or envisaged that had a Permissive Action Link (PAL) (44) that could activate a weapon in flight, or enable on-site activation by means of a radio link to the High Command at the MoD, or the Prime Minister in Downing Street. There were no secret code numbers or codewords for input to the weapon. Safeguards against unauthorised use depended upon the single keyholder, and compliant aircraft loading groundcrew, willing to accept an officer's direction to upload the weapon. BBC2 Newsnight video here

    In 1966, when the first examples of WE.177B were ready for issue to RAF Bomber Command, and when orders were about to be placed for the first batch of WE.177A weapons for the Royal Navy, a paper circulated in the MoD proposed that a PALS system be considered for WE.177. If accepted as policy, a major redesign of WE.177A would likely be required, with delays in deployment likely. Naval response to that paper was acerbic, stating that naval officers could be trusted to use nuclear weapons only when properly authorised by government, asserting that a PALS system was "based on the supposition that senior Service officers, may in difficult circumstances, act in defiance of their clear orders [not to use nuclear weapons without authorisation from government]". The Navy asserted that a physical break in the chain of command made by radio link, was unlikely to work at sea, in remote areas of the globe, in areas that naval vessels were frequently deployed to, far from their bases. The Navy asserted that such radio links might have greater reliability when applied to the weapons of RAF Bomber Command, held mostly on UK land bases, and that these RAF weapons were more numerous. The entire naval paper can be viewed here. (44)

    Further development proposals

    There were several proposals to adapt WE.177A for other delivery systems. One was to use the WE.177A NDB as a complete unit, (possibly shortened by removal of the nose) in place of the Mk-44 or Mk.46 homing torpedo carried by the Ikara anti-submarine missile that armed some frigates of the Leander class. (45) Ikara performed a similar function to the U.S. Navy's Asroc missile which could also carry a nuclear warhead. The addition of a nuclear option to Ikara was intended to significantly improve its kill probability, while providing the escort commander with an instant-response, all-weather, all-conditions weapon to deploy against time-urgent targets. Helicopter-delivered NDBs were not always immediately available due to fuel-state, other taskings, or expended weapons load. Recently declassified archives disclose that the Ikara/WE.177A proposal received serious attention for some years, although there is no evidence of actual deployment, although it is known from declassified accounts of the Falklands War, and from other sources that the Ikara-equipped frigates were fitted with magazine storage for WE.177A. Ikara was purchased from Australia specifically for the purpose of arming the proposed new fleet carriers and their escorts, and declassified files reveal that a nuclear warhead for Ikara was incorporated into naval plans from the outset. After cancellation of these carriers and escorts, Ikara stocks were re-assigned to upgrading some of the Leander class escorts.

    Other proposals to re-engineer the WE.177A warhead into two submarine-launched heavyweight torpedoes also received some attention. The Mk.24N Tigerfish nuclear-armed torpedo had approved project status for some years but was eventually shelved. Its raison d'être was to overcome the performance shortcomings of the Tigerfish torpedo, and especially its failure to meet the dive-depth requirements needed to counter deep-diving Soviet SSNs and SSBNs that had outstripped western torpedo performance. (46) There was also a proposal endorsed by Flag Officer Submarines (FOSM), the Royal Navy's professional head of the Submarine Service, to use the WE.177A warhead in another torpedo, the shallow-running unguided Mk.8 torpedo of World War 2 vintage. (47) A Mk.8 torpedo was chosen to sink the Argentinian warship Belgrano because it was of proven reliability, unlike the unreliable Tigerfish. This proposal did not gain approved project status although its raison d'être was similar to that for Tigerfish, and intended to counter extended delays in Tigerfish development. FOSM's proposal stated that a 10 kT nuclear detonation at the Mk.8 torpedo's running depth of approximately 40 ft (12 m) would destroy a deep-diving SSN at 2,000 ft (610 m) depth.

    In early 1963 following cancellation of Skybolt, a nuclear-armed variant of the Martel, (48) air-launched missile was studied with many other options for use as a stand-off weapon, to fill the requirement that was ultimately met by the WE.177B laydown bomb. An extension of OR.1168, (49) it became known colloquially as Megaton Martel. There were two proposals, both scaled-up from the 1'213 lb Martel to 2'000 lb and 5'000 lb. At those weights Megaton Martel would have little in common with the original. A range of 25 nm was claimed for the 2'000 lb variant. Deployed on V-bombers initially, it was also suitable for delivery by the Buccaneer and TSR2, and although of limited range it would allow aircraft to remain outside close-defence missile screens of all but the largest and most heavily defended targets, offering the V-bombers a better chance of survival. The 5'000 lb larger variant with its claimed range of 55 nm was more suited to penetrate the most heavily defended targets with extended missile screens, but was too large for carriage by Buccaneer aircraft. (50) RAE opinion favoured either variant rather than low-level Blue Steel that was believed inadequate. (51) The only possible warhead choice for Megaton Martel would be from the Super Octopus - Cleo - Katie - WE.177B lineage. There was little chance of a newly developed Martel-specific thermonuclear warhead given the severe time-limits set for deployment, and the heavy workloads imposed by the Polaris programme. The TV-guided Martel missile to the original OR.1168 - GD.5, - JNAST 1168A - GDA.21 specification that was deployed on Buccaneer aircraft in an anti-shipping role should not be confused with the Megaton Martel studies.

    Also considered in early 1963 as candidates for the stop-gap strategic weapon to be deployed on V-bombers were several unguided ballistic missiles based on existing hardware. These included a version of the Polaris missile adapted for air-launch; (52) the US Army's tactical battlefield missile, Pershing I, also adapted for air-launch, (53) and Grand Slam 1, a rocket-assisted toss-bomb that was to be air-launched from V-bombers using the LABS long throw toss-bombing technique. Instead of the more usual three-mile range of similar weapons, the rocket motor powered this bomb with its WE.177B warhead in a higher ballistic trajectory to a range of 100 miles. (54) Various cruise missile proposals included upgrades to Blue Steel, the Avro W.140, the Bristol X-12 Pandora, and Grand Slam 2, a ramjet and rocket-powered stand-off bomb launched by V-bomber at 40'000 ft, accellerating to Mach 3 before diving to low-level cruise at 200 ft at Mach 2 for 700 miles. Total range from launch of Grand Slam 2 was claimed to be 1'300 nm. (55)

    The favorite that emerged from studies at RAE Farnborough was a simple, unguided, ballistic missile comprised of WE.177B stripped of its tail, powered by an existing design of solid rocket motor. Its simplicity and its use of existing tested hardware, ensured a short development time and low cost. It was also believed to be almost invulnerable to interception and electronic countermeasures. Weighing 2'500 lb at launch from V-bombers, TSR2 and Buccaneer, it had a range of 100nm. The bomber at 200 ft or less would climb to 1'500 ft for launch without approaching heavily defended areas. (56) Trials of rocket-launched one-third scale models of WE.177 were conducted as the photographs right show.

    Farnborough's second choice recommendation was the WE.177B free-fall laydown bomb, and this was the option chosen by the Air Staff, principally on grounds of least cost, least development risk, and being earliest into service. (57) It was understood by the Staffs, and accepted as necessary in the circumstances, that low-level penetration with the laydown bomb would result in very high rates of aircraft casualties from gunfire, SA2 and especially SA3 SAMs. (58) It was to improve survivability to the target that the various other options were considered and rejected.

    There were also plans in the late 1960's to equip the Bullpup air-to-ground missile with a nuclear warhead, and a joint RAF and naval operational requirement was issued as OR.1173/GDA.5. (59) Little further is known other than it was no more than a paper project that never reached the hardware stage. As with Martel and other short-range stand-off missiles, the operational raison d'être for a nuclear-armed Bullpup was to deliver the warhead without the aircraft having to overfly powerful close-range defences. Ultimately, OR.1173 was met by giving WE.177 weapons a laydown capability on water, at the cost of increased aircraft vulnerability. The only concievable warhead was one based on an existing design from the WE.177 'family', probably the low-yield WE.177A. Some US Bullpup missiles had a nuclear warhead based on the US W-45. (60)

    Ikara at weapon release point. Drawing: Brian Burnell.
    Ikara with Mk.44 torpedo slung beneath.

    The Royal Navy planned for a common Ikara missile to be armed with either a torpedo or a WE.177A NDB aboard ship. Drawing: Brian Burnell.
    A one-third scale model WE.177, still with tail unit attached, being launched using a rocket motor. Photo: Mike Fazackerley.
    A one-third scale model WE.177, still with tail unit attached, being launched using a rocket motor. Photo: Mike Fazackerley.
    One-third scale models of WE.177 powered by a single 7 inch dia rocket motor at top, and twin 7 in motors at bottom, prepared for flight-testing.
    Photo: DSIR 23/33818, p21, TNA, London.

    Falklands War

    During the Falklands war of 1982, some Royal Navy ships were said in newspaper reports to have WE.177A bombs on board as they headed south. Warships and replenishment ships normally deployed with their assigned nuclear weapons during the Cold War. However, all bombs in their floatable containers were stated by the Ministry of Defence to have been off-loaded from the escort vessels HMS Broadsword, HMS Brilliant, HMS Coventry (sunk in action), and HMS Sheffield (sunk in action), for storage in the better-protected deep magazines aboard HMS Hermes, HMS Invincible and the Fleet Replenishment ships RFA Fort Austin and RFA Resource, accompanying the Task Force.

    HMS Hermes and HMS Invincible then had aboard 40% and 25% respectively of the entire Royal Navy stockpile of WE.177A NDBs (61) and there was concern at their possible loss in action, and at the consequences if a military emergency should develop simultaneously in the NATO area, where these weapons were intended for use. It is not clear if the weapons were removed from deep storage on these vessels, before the Task Force engaged in action around the Falklands Islands, although the MoD assert that these ships did not enter Falklands Islands territorial waters or any other areas subject to the Treaty of Tlatelolco (that established a Latin America Nuclear Weapons Free Zone) that the UK was a signatory to. The MoD assert that the Task Force Commander-in-Chief was given instructions on deployment of his forces to avoid any breach of the treaty.

    The MoD also state that all the nuclear weapons were returned to the UK aboard RFA Fort Austin and RFA Resource on 29 June and 20 July 1982 respectively, after the end of the Falklands War. (62)

    Retirement

    Reliable, recently published sources based upon recent research in declassified files in the National Archives, London, put eventual total numbers of all versions of WE.177 at between 200-250. All Royal Navy WE.177A weapons were retired in 1992. By August 1998 all RAF stock of all versions had been withdrawn and dismantled. In the early 1990s the US withdrew all nuclear weapons in Europe that were assigned to British and all other NATO allies. Although RAF aircraft remain nuclear-capable, or could quickly revert to being so, the stocks of weapons no longer exist in Europe, although suitable bombs remain in the US active and inactive stockpiles.

    Several successful nuclear tests were conducted underground in Nevada in the late-1970s to develop a successor 'family' of warheads, for use in delivery systems designed to replace Chevaline and WE.177, the most well-known delivery system being TASM, a Tactical Air-to-Surface-Missile. Two underground nuclear tests in the US of Fallon and Banon (US UGT codenames) in 1974 and 1976 tested a device named Forrester 1 (UK device codename) now known to be of the Harriet primary for Chevaline and confirmed the Chevaline warhead was one-point-safe. (63) Following these tests, small, light warheads named Dicel and Dingbat were tested as UGTs Fondutta, Quargel, Nessel, and possibly Colwick, Dutchessand Serpa. The UGT Quargel test device yielded 47 kt, (64) considerably more than the 10 kt of Katie used in the WE.177 series, and was described as a "very small trigger ... for small hard warheads" (65) (presumably meaning a fission primary with a similar function to Katie in WE.177B). Although these devices have been referred to in declassified files in the context of a smaller, lighter, higher-re-entry speed RV for Chevaline, and similar in function and performance to the Poseidon warhead and high-speed RV, intended to defeat terminal defences (which Chevaline was unable to do as deployed) (66) it is likely that these and some later tests were aimed at keeping British design options open and developing these devices into 'family' of weapons (67) of basically similar design for a possible Chevaline successor (not necessarily Trident or the US W-76) and for use in TASM an air-launched tactical weapon to replace WE.177. As yet, there is no hard evidence. With cancellation of TASM and WE.177 retirement, some (but not all) tactical and sub-strategic roles met by WE.177 are now assigned to the Trident D5 SSBM.

    Table of WE.177 variants

       Variant   

       Weight   

       Est. Yield   

       Deployed   

        WE.177A    

           282 kg      

       10 or ½ kT   

         1969 - 1992   

        WE.177B    

           457 kg     

           450 kT   

         1966 - 1995    

        WE.177C    

           457 kg     

            190 kT   

       ~1974 - 1998   



    Quantities produced

                        

          WE.177A        

          WE.177B        

          WE.177C        

          Total        

    RAF Plan R 1                

    273 2

      48 3

    nil

       321 2   

    RAF estimated production  

    44 

    53

    157 4

    254  

    RAF estimated deployed 5,6

         64 5,6

    53

    157 4

        274 5,6

    Royal Navy 7               

      43 7

    nil

    nil

       43 7

    Grand Total est deployed RAF & RN               

    107   

    53

    157 4

    317  

    Grand Total planned RAF & RN 2               

    179 2

    53

    157 4

     389 2


    Where can I see one?

    Photo Gallery

    A collection of photographs, some rare and never before published. Where known, the sources are shown. Some are of unknown origin and if readers can help to establish origin, an attribution will be added. Readers can use the email contact at the header.

    References

    Footnotes

    1. TNA (the National Archives, London). DEFE 24/389 E42 Annex Appendix 1, p2, June 1969 Mk 24 torpedo.  ^ up
    2. WE.177 Free-Fall Bomb Enters Service, AWE timeline  ^ up
    3. TNA DEFE 32/18 E25, p2. Secretary's standard file.  ^ up
    4. TNA AIR 20/11515 E8.  Nuclear weapon ASR 1177: handling and environmental trials. "It is in fact the mysterious Weapon X with which the Secretary of State comforted the Tory back-benchers after Skybolt's decease."  ^ up
    5. TNA AVIA 65/1836 E7a p1-2, and see E1, E2, E4. Future UK atomic weapons trials: policy. "It would open the way to the design of significantly lighter and more efficient warheads, with a reduction in size." ... and ... "It would lead to more rugged, reliable and lighter warheads. In the Skybolt warhead it would permit the use of less sensitive explosives and ..."  ^ up
    6. Nougat test series, Nevada Test Site.  ^ up
    7. Storax test series, Nevada Test Site.  ^ up
    8. TNA ES 10/1675 Some calculations on Scenic, the all-oralloy KATIE. Closed file, remains secret. Only its title is declassified.  ^ up
    9. Norris, Burrows, Fieldhouse. Nuclear Weapons Databook: Vol 5: British, French and Chinese Nuclear Weapons, p60-2. Published by The Westview Press, Oxford, 1994. ISBN 08133 16111 softback, 08133 1612X hardback.  ^ up
    10. TNA AIR 2/17322 - 17330. OR 1177: improved kiloton bomb.1959-1969.  ^ up
    11. TNA AIR 2/17323 E8b p1. OR 1177: improved kiloton bomb. 1961-1962.  ^ up
      TNA AIR 2/17323 E15a p5. OR 1177: improved kiloton bomb. 1961-1962.  ^ up
      TNA AIR 2/17325 E11a p1. OR 1177: improved kiloton bomb. 1962-1963.  ^ up
      TNA AIR 2/17325 E25b p1. OR 1177: improved kiloton bomb. 1962-1963.  ^ up
      TNA AIR 2/17325 E25b p2. OR 1177: improved kiloton bomb. 1962-1963.  ^ up
      TNA AIR 2/17325 E25b p3. OR 1177: improved kiloton bomb. 1962-1963.  ^ up
      TNA AIR 2/17325 E41a p1. OR 1177: improved kiloton bomb. 1962-1963.  ^ up
    12. UGTs Pampas, Tendrac, Cormorant, Charcoal, and Courser failure at the Nevada Test Site and four effects tests at Nellis AFB, Nevada.  ^ up
      University of Oklahoma Geological Survey nuclear tests seismic data v09 Oct 2006.  ^ up
    13. Chuck Hansen. Swords of Armageddon. Version 1.0, vol 6, page 28 of 605, para 4. Chukelea Publications, Sunnyvale, CA. 1995.  ^ up
    14. Chuck Hansen. Swords of Armageddon. Version 1.0, vol 6, page 27 of 605, para 3. Chukelea Publications, Sunnyvale, CA. 1995.  ^ up
    15. TNA AIR 2/13755 E69b p1.  Carriage of special weapons in aircraft other than V-class bombers.  ^ up
    16. TNA DEFE 24/691 E28 sect 4.   "There is also an understanding in respect of US nuclear weapons, destined for release in times of emergency to maritime aircraft of the Netherlands [and the RAF] and stored in St Mawgan, Cornwall, which was set out in an exchange of letters between Prime Minister Wilson and President Johnson in 1965…. "  ^ up
    17. TNA AIR 2/18210 E63 p11.  ^ up
    18. TNA AIR 2/18210 E62.  ^ up
    19. Dr Richard Moore, University of Southampton Mountbatten Centre for International Studies - Nuclear History Working Paper No1  ^ up
    20. TNA AVIA 65/1834 E18 p4.  Maintenance of nuclear deterrent 1965-1971  ^ up
    21. TNA DEFE 11/470 E18 p3.Tactical Nuclear Weapons 1971-1972.  ^ up
      TNA DEFE 11/470 E18 p6.Tactical Nuclear Weapons 1971-1972.  ^ up
      TNA DEFE 11/470 E30 p5.Tactical Nuclear Weapons 1971-1972.  ^ up
    22. TNA DEFE 11/470 E30 p5. Tactical Nuclear Weapons 1971-1972.  ^ up
    23. TNA DEFE 11/470 E56 p1. Tactical Nuclear Weapons 1971-1972.  ^ up
    24. TNA DEFE 11/470 E30 p4. Tactical Nuclear Weapons 1971-1972.  ^ up
    25. TNA DEFE 11/470 E30 p3. Tactical Nuclear Weapons 1971-1972.  ^ up
    26. TNA DEFE 11/470 E30 p3. Tactical Nuclear Weapons 1971-1972.  ^ up
    27. TNA DEFE 11/470 E30 p3. Tactical Nuclear Weapons 1971-1972.  ^ up
    28. TNA DEFE 11/470 E13 p2. Tactical Nuclear Weapons 1971-1972.  ^ up
      TNA DEFE 11/470 E30 p5. Tactical Nuclear Weapons 1971-1972.  ^ up
    29. TNA DEFE 11/470 E9 p5. Tactical Nuclear Weapons 1971-1972.  ^ up
      TNA DEFE 11/470 E13 p4. Tactical Nuclear Weapons 1971-1972.  ^ up
      TNA DEFE 11/470 E18 p5. Tactical Nuclear Weapons 1971-1972.  ^ up
      TNA DEFE 11/470 E18 p6. Tactical Nuclear Weapons 1971-1972.  ^ up
    30. TNA DEFE 11/470 E30 p9. Tactical Nuclear Weapons 1971-1972.  ^ up
      TNA DEFE 11/470 E30 p10. Tactical Nuclear Weapons 1971-1972.  ^ up
      TNA DEFE 11/470 E18 p5. Tactical Nuclear Weapons 1971-1972.  ^ up
      TNA DEFE 11/470 E18 p6. Tactical Nuclear Weapons 1971-1972.  ^ up
    31. TNA DEFE 11/470 E18 p4. Tactical Nuclear Weapons 1971-1972.  ^ up
    32. TNA DEFE 19/191 E3/1 p2 para 2.3.  Polaris improvement programme: minutes of the Weapons Safety Co-ordinating Committee.  ^ up
    33. TNA DEFE 19/208 E47/2 p3 para 2.6.  Ad hoc committees on Polaris improvements: minutes of the Weapons Safety Co-ordinating Committee.  ^ up
      TNA DEFE 19/208 E47/2 p6 para 4.2.  Ad hoc committees on Polaris improvements: minutes of the Weapons Safety Co-ordinating Committee.  ^ up
      TNA DEFE 19/208 E47/2 p6 para 4.3.1.  Ad hoc committees on Polaris improvements: minutes of the Weapons Safety Co-ordinating Committee.  ^ up
    34. TNA DEFE 19/208 E48/1 p2.  Ad hoc committees on Polaris improvements: minutes of the Weapons Safety Co-ordinating Committee.  ^ up
      TNA DEFE 19/208 E48/1 p3.  Ad hoc committees on Polaris improvements: minutes of the Weapons Safety Co-ordinating Committee.  ^ up
      TNA DEFE 19/208 E48/1 p4.  Ad hoc committees on Polaris improvements: minutes of the Weapons Safety Co-ordinating Committee.  ^ up
      TNA DEFE 19/208 E48/1 p5.  Ad hoc committees on Polaris improvements: minutes of the Weapons Safety Co-ordinating Committee.  ^ up
    35. TNA DEFE 19/208 E48/1 p2.  Ad hoc committees on Polaris improvements: minutes of the Weapons Safety Co-ordinating Committee.  ^ up
    36. TNA DEFE 11/470 E13 p4.Tactical Nuclear Weapons 1971-1972.  ^ up
    37. TNA DEFE 11/470 E30 p5. Tactical Nuclear Weapons 1971-1972.  ^ up
      TNA AIR 2/18210 E63 p8.Nuclear weapons policy 1969-1970.  ^ up
    38. TNA AIR 2/18210 E63 p8.Nuclear weapons policy 1969-1970.  ^ up
    39. US Department of Energy  ^ up
      TNA AVIA 65/1836 E49a p3.  Future UK atomic weapons trials: policy.  ^ up
    40. TNA AVIA 65/1836 E49a p3.  Future UK atomic weapons trials: policy.  ^ up
    41. TNA AVIA 65/1771 end pages summary p6.  Defence Committee on Nuclear Requirements.  ^ up
    42. BBC2 Newsnight. Abridged archived version of report broadcast 15 November 2007. 5½ mins running time. Filmed with the co-operation of The Bristol Aero Collection, Kemble Airfield, Gloucestershire, and the National Cold War Exhibition at the Royal Air Force Museum, Cosford, Shropshire.  ^ up
    43. BBC2 Newsnight, printable written report of broadcast on 15 November 2007.  ^ up
    44. TNA DEFE 19/103 ref 377/5  The Navy's requirement for WE.177A, pages 1 & 2.  ^ up
      TNA DEFE 19/103 ref 377/5  The Navy's requirement for WE.177A, pages 3 & 4.  ^ up
      TNA DEFE 19/103 ref 377/5  The Navy's requirement for WE.177A, pages 5 & 6.  ^ up
    45. TNA T225/2793.  Ministry of Defence - Navy Department: Research & Development of a Royal Naval version of the long range shipborne anti-submarine weapon system (IKARA) 1962-1965.  ^ up
    46. TNA DEFE 24/389 E42 p1.  Mk 24 torpedo.  ^ up
    47. TNA DEFE 24/389 E42 p1.  Mk 24 torpedo.  ^ up
    48. http://www.skomer.u-net.com/projects/martel.htm  ^ up
      TNA AIR 2/13755 E74A p2. Carriage of special weapons in aircraft other than V-class bombers. Case made for Martel.  ^ up
    49. TNA AVIA 65/1834 E24 p4 para 4 item (j). Maintenance of nuclear deterrent 1965-1971.  ^ up
      TNA AVIA 65/1834 E32 p1. Maintenance of nuclear deterrent 1965-1971.  ^ up
      TNA AVIA 65/1834 E40 appendix B p8. Maintenance of nuclear deterrent 1965-1971.  ^ up
    50. TNA AVIA 65/1834 E45/1 p8-9. Maintenance of nuclear deterrent 1965-1971.  ^ up
    51. TNA AVIA 65/1834 E45-1 p5. Maintenance of nuclear deterrent 1965-1971.  ^ up
    52. TNA AVIA 65/1834 E40 appendix B p1. Maintenance of nuclear deterrent 1965-1971.  ^ up
    53. TNA AVIA 65/1834 E40 appendix B p1. Maintenance of nuclear deterrent 1965-1971.  ^ up
    54. TNA AVIA 65/1834 E40 appendix B p2. Maintenance of nuclear deterrent 1965-1971.  ^ up
    55. TNA AVIA 65/1834 E40 appendix B p5. Maintenance of nuclear deterrent 1965-1971.  ^ up
      TNA AVIA 65/1834 E45-1 p5. Maintenance of nuclear deterrent 1965-1971.  ^ up
      TNA AVIA 65/1834 E40 appendix B p6. Maintenance of nuclear deterrent 1965-1971.  ^ up
      Chris Gibson and Tony Buttler. Hypersonics, Ramjets and Missiles: British Secret Projects. ISBN 978-1-85780-280-0 Midland Publishing 2007. An outstanding account of British missile development from infancy, and useful for an account of the 'stop-gap' weapons that competed with WE.177B.  ^ up
      TNA AVIA 65/1834 E40 appendix B p2. Maintenance of nuclear deterrent 1965-1971.  ^ up
    56. TNA AVIA 65/1834 E32 p2. Maintenance of nuclear deterrent 1965-1971.  ^ up
    57. TNA AVIA 65/1834 E24 p5 para 5 item (a). Maintenance of nuclear deterrent 1965-1971.  ^ up
      TNA AVIA 65/1834 E41 p1. Maintenance of nuclear deterrent 1965-1971.  ^ up
    58. TNA AVIA 65/1834 E45/1 p9 para 5. Maintenance of nuclear deterrent 1965-1971.  ^ up
    59. TNA ADM 1/28518 E1 p1. Air-to-surface strike weapon: Naval/Air Staff requirement: submission to Defence Research Policy Committee.  ^ up
      TNA ADM 1/28518 E1 p2. Air-to-surface strike weapon: Naval/Air Staff requirement: submission to Defence Research Policy Committee.  ^ up
      TNA ADM 1/28518 E1 p3. Air-to-surface strike weapon: Naval/Air Staff requirement: submission to Defence Research Policy Committee.  ^ up
      nuclearweaponarchive.org GAM-83B Bullpup ASM W-45 warhead data.  ^ up
    60. nuclearweaponarchive.org GAM-83B Bullpup ASM W-45 warhead photograph.   ^ up
    61. TNA DEFE 32/18 E25 p2. Secretary's standard file.  ^ up
      Extrapolating from the handwritten note in the file margin, dated March 1969 and shown below, HMS Hermes and HMS Invincible together were likely to have a total of 26 WE.177A bombs aboard, and the RFA vessels were likely to have more based on MoD statements.
    62. UK MoD: Operation Corporate 1982. The carriage of nuclear weapons by the Task Group assembled for the Falklands campaign.  ^ up
    63. TNA DEFE 19/208 E15 p1.Ad-hoc Committee on Polaris improvement.  ^ up
      TNA DEFE 19/208 E47/5 p3.Ad-hoc Committee on Polaris improvement.  ^ up
      University of Oklahoma Geological Survey nuclear tests seismic data v09 Oct 2006.  ^ up
      nuclearweaponarchive.org UK test data.  ^ up
    64. TNA DEFE 25/335 E37. Strategic nuclear deterrent: Polaris Improvement Programme (PIP); Options, Phase 4 1978 Jun 06-1979 Aug 21.  ^ up
      Cablegram signed by V.Macklen Director AWRE on 23 Nov 1978 giving MoD results of the QUARGEL UGT in Nevada. These notes were made in Jan-Feb 2006 immediately after this file was declassified and placed in the National Archives. Subsequently, the file was returned to the MoD in 2007 when substantial amounts, over 40 complete pages and numerous other part-pages, were removed by the censors, and are now subject to an order signed by the SoS @ the Ministry of Justice using powers granted by the Public Records Act Section 3.4. Technically, the redactions are not reclassified as secret under provisions in the Official Secrets Act, they are merely withheld on security grounds using the Public Records Act. The author saw the uncensored file in Jan - Feb 2006 before the censor weeded the file in 2007, and at a time when the author could lawfully see the uncensored file. The author does not believe that his recollections of these fragments of this uncensored file compromise national security.  ^ up
    65. TNA DEFE 25/335 E29 p1. Strategic nuclear deterrent: Polaris Improvement Programme (PIP); Options, Phase 4 1978 Jun 06-1979 Aug 21.  ^ up
    66. TNA DEFE 19/182 E77 p3. Polaris Improvement Programme 1979.  ^ up
    67. TNA DEFE 19/181. UK underground nuclear tests 1978 Jun 06 - 1979 Dec 11.  ^ up
      In a letter to the SoS @ the MoD dated 27 June 1979, V.Macklen, Director @ AWRE wrote seeking approval for the UGT Nessel (US codename) of the device DICEL (UK codename). Macklen wrote:
      After a change of government from Callaghan to Thatcher, Macklen wrote again on 27 June 1979 again seeking final approval of that agreed by the outgoing government, writing:
      The SoS @ the MoD wrote 6 July 1979, seeking the Prime Minister's consent to this UGT in August 1979. He wrote:
    68. Cost to the Services of each gripper device was £128 at 1977 prices, adjusted to 2007 prices, approx £1'200 ($2'400).  ^ up

    See also




















    Weapon X

    Simon
    OR.1195 (thermonuclear warhead for WE.177B)
    Bomb, Aircraft, HE 950lb MC No1

    Contents

  • Genesis
  • Footnotes
  • See also
  • Genesis

    Weapon X was an emergency capability 'stop-gap' laydown weapon intended to enable the Vulcan bomber force to operate at low-level for a few years, until the Royal Navy Polaris SLBM force became operational at the end of the 1960s. The term Weapon X was coined by a Minister in the MacMillan government before the later official designations of WE.177B, and Bomb, Aircraft HE 950 lb were applied, when the Minister sought to placate Conservative Party backbenchers, angered by the sudden cancellation of the Skybolt ALBM programme. (1) The Operational Requirement was numbered OR.1195.

    In early 1963 following cancellation of Skybolt, a nuclear-armed variant of the Martel (2) (3) air-launched missile was studied with many other options for use as a stand-off weapon to fill the requirement that was ultimately met by the WE.177B laydown bomb. An extension of OR.1168 (4) (5) (6) it became known colloquially as Megaton Martel. There were two proposals, both scaled-up from the 1'213 lb Martel to 2'000 lb and 5'000 lb. At those weights Megaton Martel would have little in common with the original. A range of 25 nm was claimed for the 2'000 lb variant. To be deployed on V-bombers initially, it was also suitable for delivery by the Buccaneer and TSR2, and although of limited range it would allow aircraft to remain outside close-defence missile screens of all but the largest and most heavily defended targets, offering the V-bombers especially, a better chance of survival. The 5'000 lb larger variant with its claimed range of 55 nm was more suited to penetrate the most heavily defended targets with extended missile screens, but was too large for carriage by Buccaneer aircraft. (7) RAE opinion favoured either variant rather than low-level Blue Steel that was believed inadequate. (8) The only possible warhead choice for Megaton Martel would be from the Super Octopus - Cleo - Katie - WE.177B lineage. There was little chance of a newly developed Martel-specific thermonuclear warhead given the severe time-limits set for deployment, and the heavy workloads imposed by the Polaris programme. The TV-guided Martel missile to the original OR.1168 - GD.5, - JNAST 1168A - GDA.21 specification that was deployed on Buccaneer aircraft in an anti-shipping role should not be confused with the Megaton Martel studies.

    Also considered in early 1963 as candidates for the stop-gap strategic weapon to be deployed on V-bombers were several unguided ballistic missiles based on existing hardware. These included a version of the Polaris missile adapted for air-launch; (9) the US Army's tactical battlefield missile, Pershing I, also adapted for air-launch, (10) and Grand Slam 1, a rocket-assisted toss-bomb that was to be air-launched from V-bombers using the LABS long throw toss-bombing technique. Instead of the more usual three-mile range of similar weapons, the rocket motor powered this bomb with its WE.177B warhead in a higher ballistic trajectory to a range of 100 miles. (11) Various cruise missile proposals included upgrades to Blue Steel, the Avro W.140, the Bristol X-12 Pandora, and Grand Slam 2, a ramjet and rocket-powered stand-off bomb launched by V-bomber at 40'000 ft, accelerating to Mach 3 before diving to low-level cruise at 200 ft at Mach 2 for 700 miles. Total range from launch of Grand Slam 2 was claimed to be 1'300 nm. (12) (13) (14) (15)

    The favorite that emerged from studies at RAE Farnborough was a simple, unguided, ballistic missile comprised of WE.177B stripped of its tail, powered by an existing design of solid rocket motor. Its simplicity and its use of existing tested hardware, ensured a short development time and low cost. It was also believed to be almost invulnerable to interception and electronic countermeasures. Weighing 2'500 lb at launch from V-bombers, TSR2 and Buccaneer, it had a range of 100nm. The bomber at 200 ft or less would climb to 1'500 ft for launch without approaching heavily defended areas. (16) Trials of rocket-launched one-third scale models of WE.177 were conducted as the photographs right show.

    Farnborough's second choice recommendation was the WE.177B free-fall laydown bomb, and this was the option chosen by the Air Staff, principally on grounds of least cost, least development risk, and being earliest into service. (17) (18) It was understood by the Staffs, and accepted as necessary in the circumstances, that low-level penetration with the laydown bomb would result in very high rates of aircraft casualties from gunfire, SA2 and especially SA3 SAMs. (19) It was to improve survivability to the target that the various other options were considered and rejected.

    Although intended as a short-term solution to the vulnerability of the V-bombers operating at high-level, to the new threat of Soviet SAM defences, Weapon X, or WE.177B had a lengthy lifespan from first deployment in 1966 until at least 1992, possibly 1998. A lifespan of almost thirty years, and outlived its original delivery vehicle, the Vulcan bomber by a decade. The weapon was deployed on a variety of other strike aircraft, eg. Tornado, Buccaneer, and possibly others.

    A full account of Weapon X is given in the WE.177 chapter here and here and here

    Footnotes

    1. TNA AIR 20/11515 E8 Nuclear weapon ASR 1177: handling and environmental trials. "It is in fact the mysterious Weapon X, with which the Secretary of State comforted the Tory back-benchers after Skybolt's decease."  ^ up
    2. http://www.skomer.u-net.com/projects/martel.htm  ^ up
    3. TNA AIR 2/13755 E74a p1-2 Carriage of special weapons in aircraft other than V-class bombers.  ^ up
    4. TNA AVIA 65/1834 E24 p4.4(j) Maintenance of nuclear deterrent 1965-1971  ^ up
    5. TNA AVIA 65/1834 E32 p1 Maintenance of nuclear deterrent 1965-1971  ^ up
    6. TNA AVIA 65/1834 E40 appendix B p8 and E45-1 p5. Maintenance of nuclear deterrent 1965-1971  ^ up
    7. TNA AVIA 65/1834 E40 appendix B p2 Maintenance of nuclear deterrent 1965-1971  ^ up
    8. TNA AVIA 65/1834 E40 appendix B p5, E45-1 p5 Maintenance of nuclear deterrent 1965-1971  ^ up
    9. TNA AVIA 65/1834 E40 appendix B p1 Maintenance of nuclear deterrent 1965-1971  ^ up
    10. TNA AVIA 65/1834 E40 appendix B p1 Maintenance of nuclear deterrent 1965-1971  ^ up
    11. TNA AVIA 65/1834 E40 appendix B p2 Maintenance of nuclear deterrent 1965-1971  ^ up
    12. TNA AVIA 65/1834 E40 appendix B p5, E45-1 p5 Maintenance of nuclear deterrent 1965-1971  ^ up
    13. TNA AVIA 65/1834 E40 appendix B p6 Maintenance of nuclear deterrent 1965-1971  ^ up
    14. TNA AVIA 65/1834 E40 appendix B p5, p6 Maintenance of nuclear deterrent 1965-1971  ^ up
    15. TNA AVIA 65/1834 E40 appendix B p2 Maintenance of nuclear deterrent 1965-1971  ^ up
    16. TNA AVIA 65/1834 E32 p2 Maintenance of nuclear deterrent 1965-1971  ^ up
    17. TNA AVIA 65/1834 E24 p5.5(a) Maintenance of nuclear deterrent 1965-1971  ^ up
    18. TNA AVIA 65/1834 E41 p1 Maintenance of nuclear deterrent 1965-1971  ^ up
    19. TNA AVIA 65/1834 E45-1 p9 para 5 Maintenance of nuclear deterrent 1965-1971  ^ up

    See also







































    Wee Gwen



    Contents

  • Genesis
  • British Army Requirement
  • Tactical Rationale
  • Military Characterisics and quantities
  • Deployment
  • References
  • Footnotes
  • See also
  • Davy Crockett vehicle-mounted weapon with the W-54 warhead, identical to Wee Gwen. Photo: NAM, Alburquerque, NM.
    Little Feller nuclear test of a W-54 warhead identical to Wee Gwen. Photo: NAM, Alburquerque, NM.

    Genesis

    Wee Gwen was a British project name for a small, lightweight, low yield unboosted fission warhead intended for a British Army version of the US Davy Crockett close support infantry weapon. The US Army's Davy Crockett spigot mortar was available in two versions, either vehicle mounted, or a lighter model as a manpack, which broke down into three major components, each light enough to manpack. It was for use very close to the front line by the infantry, and was probably the first known use of a neutron weapon, designed to kill and incapacitate ememy troops by neutron and gamma radiation, rather than by blast and heat, although at the time the warhead was designed for use as an anti-aircraft warhead, the concept of battlefield use of neutron warheads had not yet evolved.

    The origins of the W-54 were in a USAF requirement for a small-diameter and low weight warhead for the GAR-11/AIM-26A Falcon air-to-air missile to arm those interceptors that were unable to carry the larger and heavier MB-1 Genie missile. A transcribed account by Chuck Hansen of the development of the W-51 and W-54 warheads for anti-aircraft use is here at link.

    The W-54 warhead's small size and weight was noted by other prospective users, and it was adapted for use with the Davy Crockett spigot mortar and a manpacked ADM (Atomic Demolition Munition and landmine) both for use by the US Army.

    A W-54 Wee Gnat warhead identical to the British Wee Gwen warhead used on the Davy Crocket infantry weapon. Photo: US Army.

    British Army Requirement

    A British Army requirement (1) for Davy Crockett led to a parallel requirement for a suitable warhead that could be manufactured in the UK from British fissile material.

    British Army planning staffs studied several alternative warheads available to them before concluding that a copy of the US W-54 warhead, built in the UK was the best option, although an unresolved concern was the HE composition used in the American warhead that was too shock-sensitive to meet with the approval of the UK Ordnance Board. (2) Wee Gnat was an original name used by the warhead's designers, the Los Alamos National Laboratory, before it was renamed as the W-54. (3) Although there is no hard evidence to directly link Wee Gnat to Wee Gwen, the usual naming convention used by the British was to use a name beginning with the same letter of the alphabet, and Wee Gwen follows that convention. The US and British warheads also share an identical diameter, an identical length, an identical weight, and identical yields. (4)

    The Wee Gnat US warhead is believed to have a compact spherical implosion plutonium warhead, (5) although the source of this information is unknown, and may be speculative. Another source (6) claims the warhead in its ADM configuration to have a U-235 fissile core weighing 19 lbs, a HE content of 20 lbs, and 36 detonators. The original source of this claim should also be regarded as speculative, and the differing accounts are so fundamentally different, that both should be regarded with suspicion.

    Declassified British official sources assert that the warhead was better than one-point-safe, and attribute a figure of two-point-safe. (7) Another British document attaches the codename of Purple Passion to a low yield version of a similar British warhead of approximately 10 tons yield. (8) although it is not clear whether the description was official or otherwise, or even whether it relates to the Wee Gwen warhead, the launcher, or the complete weapon system.

    A W-54 Wee Gnat warhead identical to the British Wee Gwen warhead packaged in its carry-bag. Photo: US Army.
    A W-54 Wee Gnat warhead and the tripod-mounted Davy Crockett launcher deployed from an APC. Photo: US Army.

    Tactical Rationale

    The British Army had planned to deploy the Blue Water missile as a replacement for the obsolete Corporal missile. After Blue Water cancellation, they opted instead for the shorter-range US Honest John missile and 8 inch artillery based on the US M-110. Neither delivery system was able to use a sub-kiloton, or fractional-kiloton warhead, the smallest available being 1 kt. The 2'000 yard minimum safety distance required for a 1 kt warhead fired by artillery or Honest John created a no-man's land of 2'000 yards that could not be covered by nuclear artillery. (9)

    Army staff planners believed that an attacking enemy's obvious tactic in that situation would be a rapid advance from a start-line to close the no-man's land gap to 2'000 yards, after which his troops and armour would be immune to nuclear counterattack. The Davy Crockett weapon system with a fractional-yield nuclear warhead and a safety distance of only 600 yards was intended to fill that gap, and provide front line troops with short-response-time nuclear firepower to counter a rapid advance overwhelming frontline troops. Planners believed that the Davy Crockett weapon provided the army with nuclear defence-in-depth, to complement the longer-ranged systems already planned or deployed. Davy Crockett, located with frontline troops had a faster reaction time than artillery, a great advantage over rear-located artillery, that carried with it problems related to poor or broken communications and the established command and control procedures for nuclear weapons. Planners thought that once the shooting started, troops at the front line equipped with this new breed of very low-power nuclear warheads would be less encumbered by command and control techniques designed for high-power weapons one hundred times more powerful at the minimum. (10)

    There were other factors too. (11) Army planners believed that light-armoured reconnaissance forces, deep-penetration forces and airborne forces could be largely independent of artillery support. Airborne forces in particular, on arrival, would be given a really lethal punch that they previously lacked because of limitations in air-dropped artillery.

    Military Characterisics and quantities

    Diameter   

    10.75 in   

    Length    

    17.6 in     

    Weight    

    50-55 lbs dependent on yield     

    Yield min    

    10 tons     

    Yield max    

    20 tons     

    Range    

    2'000 yards (1'830 m) (light launcher)     

    Range    

    4'000 yards (3'660 m) (heavy launcher)     

    Min safety range    

    600 yards (550 m)     

    CEP    

    30 yards (22.5 m) @ 2'000 yards (1'830 m)     

    CEP    

    60 yards (55.0 m) @ 4'000 yards (3'660 m)     

    Warheads required    

    1'275     

    Launchers required    

    600     

    Light version manpacks split into three loads. (13)    

         

    Warhead in a carry bag as shown in the photo   

    55 lbs (25 kg)   

    Launcher and sighting rifle   

    58 lbs (26.3 kg)   

    Spigot and tripod   

    57 lbs (25.9 kg)   

    Total   

    170 lbs (77.3 kg)   

    Studies showed that in order to detonate these nuclear weapons safely, but close to friendly front-line troops, the best choice of yield was 10-20 tons. A greater yield was not especially useful, since the killing power of the weapon used against advancing enemy troops in armoured vehicles and in the open was greater by neutron and gamma emission than by the more conventional effects of heat and blast. (14) Armoured troops in particular were mostly unaffected by blast on the scale of this weapon, but armour provides little protection from radiation emissions of Wee Gwen, casualties would be unlikely to survive longer than 36 hours. Enemy troops in the open at up to 70 yards (64m) would have loss of co-ordination within one minute, be incapacitated and death would follow within 36 hours. A 10 ton yield warhead could be detonated as close as 600 yards (550m) to friendly troops.

    Rate of use was estimated by the Army General Staff as: (15)
    • Limited war with 2 Brigades engaged, 300 warheads in 30 days, = 10 warheads per day.
    • General war with 5 Brigades engaged, 600 warheads in 10 days, = 60 warheads per day.

    Wee Gwen 20-ton warhead lethality,16 excluding blast effects that are neglible beyond 200 m, and have no effect on armoured troops beyond approx 100 m. Note the minimum safety distance from friendly troops. Drawn: B.Burnell.

    Deployment

    Neither Wee Gwen nor its launcher, Davy Crockett were deployed with the British Army. (17) The project never proceeded far, the principal reason being internal Service strife and disagreements within the Army, and the critical shortage of fissile material. While the weight of the fissile core is not known, and may never be known, a reasonable estimate is a minimum of 4 kg, and possibly much more. At that very conservative estimate, the total amout of plutonium required for the full programme of 1'275 warheads amounts to a total of 5'100 kg. That amount was never a possibility for the UK given the scarity and the high cost.

    There were strong disagreements within the Army about the usefulness of the weapon. The Army Council believed that the weapon was "a high-priority tactical requirement for our small army." That it could provide airborne and similar light forces with a heavy punch, where artillery was not available. The artillery establishment (18) believed that the weapon threatened artillery control of battlefield bombardment, considered Davy Crockett to be a poor weapon, that was fundamentally unsound, it created difficulties of command and control, was inferior to nuclear artillery, and wasteful of scarce fissile material. The artillery view prevailed, and the weapon and warhead project was cancelled.

    References

    Footnotes

    1. The National Archives, London. WO 32-17073-E80a. United States nuclear weapon `Davy Crockett' : tactical aspects 1958-1962  ^ up
    2. TNA AVIA 65-1050-E87a-p2. A fractional yield nuclear weapon 1959-1962  ^ up
    3. Chuck Hansen: Swords of Armageddon. Vol 7, page 41, p114. Published 1995, Chukelea Publications, Sunnyvale, CA 94086-0744.  ^ up
    4. TNA AVIA 65-1050-E70. A fractional yield nuclear weapon 1959-1962  ^ up
    5. http://nuclearweaponarchive.org/Usa/Weapons/Allbombs.html  ^ up
    6. Chuck Hansen: Swords of Armageddon. Vol 7, page 476-7. Published 1995, Chukelea Publications, Sunnyvale, CA 94086-0744. Sources: (1) LLNL memo 25 May 1995; (2) Roger L.Albertson. Soldier of Fortune. Vol 20 No5 1995 p45 Backpack nukes for Nam.  ^ up
    7. TNA AVIA 65-1050-E25a. A fractional yield nuclear weapon 1959-1962  ^ up
    8. TNA AVIA 65-1047-E55 pages 1-3. Atomic weapons policy: ADMS 1957-1963  ^ up
    9. TNA AVIA 65-1050-E2-page 3. A fractional yield nuclear weapon 1959-1962  ^ up
    10. TNA AVIA 65-1050-E98-page 2-3. A fractional yield nuclear weapon 1959-1962  ^ up
    11. TNA AVIA 65-1050-E2-page 4-5. A fractional yield nuclear weapon 1959-1962  ^ up
    12. TNA AVIA 65-1050-E8-annex-p2. A fractional yield nuclear weapon 1959-1962  ^ up
    13. TNA WO 32-17073-E3b. United States nuclear weapon `Davy Crockett' : tactical aspects 1958-1962  ^ up
    14. TNA AVIA 65-1050-E81c pages 2-3, and TNA WO 32-17073-E78a.  ^ up
    15. TNA WO 32-17073-E87a. United States nuclear weapon `Davy Crockett' : tactical aspects 1958-1962  ^ up
    16. TNA AVIA 65-1050-E81c pages 2-3. A fractional yield nuclear weapon 1959-1962  ^ up
    17. TNA WO 32/19928 E14a p3. War Office proposals for Davy Crockett weapon system.  ^ up
    18. TNA WO 32/19928 E17a. War Office proposals for Davy Crockett weapon system.  ^ up
      TNA WO 32/19928 E20a. War Office proposals for Davy Crockett weapon system.  ^ up
      TNA WO 32/19928 E22a p2. War Office proposals for Davy Crockett weapon system.  ^ up

    See also





















    Winkle



    Contents

  • Genesis
  • Footnotes
  • See also
  • Genesis

    Winkle was a small, lightweight, low yield fission warhead (1) occassionally referred to as a warhead intended for Seaslug, a first-generation shipborne, medium to high altitude area defence SAM for the defence of the Fleet. The conventionally-armed variant of Seaslug was embarked on County class destroyers. Little is known of Winkle, which was never built, tested or deployed. It was supplanted in the Fleet's planning, first by Pixie a very small unboosted warhead, with an all-plutonium fissile core, at a more advanced stage of development and testing. Pixie was tested at the Maralinga Test Site as the first shot in the Antler series. This warhead was in turn supplanted by Gwen, an anglicised copy of the US W-54 Gnat unboosted warhead of approx ½ kt - 2 kt (a larger yield than its relative, Wee Gnat). Gwen was in turn supplanted by Tony, an anglicised copy of the the US W-44 Tsetse, a boosted warhead that was intended for larger scale production in the UK, and more general use in other delivery vehicles for all three Services.

    Plans for the Fleet to deploy a nuclear-armed variant of Seaslug were never realised. Winkle, Pixie, Gwen and Tony were all abandoned prior to Seaslug deployment, and neither Seaslug, nor any other British SAM or AAM were ever deployed with a nuclear warhead.

    Footnotes

    1. Dr Richard Moore, University of Southampton Mountbatten Centre for International Studies - Nuclear History Working Paper No1. See Winkle, Seaslug, Tony, RO.106, Pixie.  ^ up

    See also